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"When contending parties and fac-That is the predicament in which they ❝tions, in a state, unite, it is never in will find themselves; and I venture to "favour, but always at the expense of predict, that when we shall come to a "the people, whose renewed and aug- division on the house and window-tax, "mented pillage is sure to pay the price the two honourable Members for West"of the scandalous reconciliation;" a minster (who, by-the-by, are now my sentence more beautiful in point of representatives) will be in the minority, construction, more abounding with true opposed to both Whigs and Tories; political wisdom, more pertinent in point that is to say, that they will thus find of application, and more patriotic in themselves, unless they vote in direct point of motive, never having dropped opposition to the prayers of their confrom the pen or tongue of mortal man. stituents. Thus it will be with regard Until that sentence was written, I, who to the septennial Parliament motion, to had been but a little while in possession the ballot motion, and to every other of any knowledge regarding English motion having a tendency to make a politics, remained somewhat in ad- change in the system, or to produce reherence to the Whigs. It took but a lief for the people. I do not say, or at very short time after that to place me least it is going too far to say, that they in the right path, in which I trust I have will find themselves in a minority, becontinued ever since. cause it is quite possible that they may not; but then there is this to be said, that the Ministers must give way, set the Tories at defiance, and rely upon the people. If they do this, not a more cordial supporter, not one man less disposed to embarrass them, and more dis. posed to give them time, will they, amongst all their hungry expectants even, find, than they will find in me, who envy them not either their riches or their power, and who have no other object than restoring to the people their liberty and their happiness.

The present is another coalition Ministry, based, without doubt, on the same principle as that on which the ministry of 1806 was founded; and the consequence is, that we hear not the smallest intimation of any intention, not only to make a material change in the whole system, but even to take off a single tax of any description. But will the Ministry be able to adhere to this throughout the present session? I hope that they will not, and I trust they will not, The people ought not to judge of what is to take place, by that which has taken place since the Parliament met. On the question relating to the King's speech, the members had had no time for reflection, the great majority of them came together under the notion that there was still going on a struggle between the Whigs and the Tories; and that, if they voted against the address, they would, in fact, be voting for the Tories! What must have been their surprise, then, when they saw the two parties unite, and when they found themselves in a thundering majority, huddled in amongst those very Tories; and what will be their mortification very soon, when they find that they must vote for the keeping on of every tax; when they must violate, most barefacedly, all their pledges to the people, or be in a minority along with us, against the united Ministry and Tories!

With regard to the proceedings connected with the long debate on the King's speech, nothing could be more reasonable, nothing more just, nothing more necessary, nothing more consonant with sound policy, to which I may add, nothing more successful, than thes stand which was made. In the first place, it was right that the House: should have time, and particularly a new House of Parliament, duly to reflect on a document of such vast importance, especially as it called upon the House to enable the King's servants to exercise powers beyond the ordinary law over so large a part of his Majesty's subjects. The custom of our wise ancestors was, to agree, at once, to a short address, thanking the King for having made a speech to them; and then they immediately appointed a day for taking it into their consideration.

At a later period, when the Parliament even have entered upon the discussion had become more a tool in the hands of without a great deal more information the Ministers, that practice was left off, than I possessed upon the subject. But and the speech was merely read the day it was most outrageous to attack Mr. before it was delivered in Parliament, O'CONNELL by the mouth of the noble to such members as chose to go and Lord who moved the address, on achear it read at the Cock-pit. PITT, in count of speeches which he had made the plenitude of his insolent power, in Ireland; and to contend that it was dropped this practice, also; gave the right to empower the King to suspend House not an hour to consider the the laws of protection on account of speech; but wrote an answer to it those speeches. He was fully justified beforehand, gave it to a mover and in characterising the address in the seconder which he appointed before- words in which he did characterise it; hand, brought it down to the House, and my real opinion is, that, if a resoand passed it that very same night; and lute stand had not been made against it, that practice has been continued from instead of the Church Bill, which has that day to this. But, ought not a re- been moved for, we should have had formed Parliament to have been dif- the Additional-power Bill moved for ferently treated? Ought not the good the very night after the delivery of the old practice to have been restored? King's speech. To give members time Therefore nothing could be more proper to reflect was every thing, looking upon than the motion of Mr. O'CONNELL to them as being honest and honourable refer the speech to a committee of the men. Mr. STANLEY told the House, whole House, in order that the House that the Government must be FEARED; might have time to consider it and well that it must be feared BEFORE it deliberate upon it. This would have could be loved. Who, therefore, without been proper under any circumstances; stopping to examine the soundness of but, when the speech called upon us to this political philosophy; who can bevote additional powers!" Additional lieve that the measures of additional powers, gracious God! to those which powers were not to come FIRST? By are now exercised in Ireland! Were the delay we gained three great things; we not, when so called upon, to take a first, time for the members of the House night to sleep upon the subject? were to reflect; second, time for the Irish we, off hand, to agree to an echo to a members to defend their country, which call like that? For my part, I was they did most nobly; which they did in determined to have a night to sleep a manner to excite envy in all who upon the speech; but, when I saw such heard them; and which, while it reflects a speech to answer, I was resolved that the greatest honour on themselves, will it should see a Sunday before it should tend to awaken in every English bosom receive an answer from that House; feelings of attachment towards their and, let my readers look at the state of harassed and persecuted country. But the matter now, and say whether the thirdly, and of more importance than stand that was made was not prudent all the rest, it gave the people of Engas well as just. land time to reflect; and our DI With regard to the question as far as VISIONS, which the Times newsrelated to Ireland, the Ministers, by paper would fain make a subject their interpretation of it, caused it to of ridicule, effected that which could be founded on proceedings in Ireland have been effected by no other means: with regard to the repeal of the union. it compelled the two parties openly to The union was made by act of Parlia- join. It drew forth from Sir ROBERT ment, and it may be repealed by act of PEEL the "articles of union;" it put Parliament. No man had proposed to into our mouths the celebrated words repeal it by force. It was a matter to of the hon. Baronet, the Member for be considered and discussed if meddled Westminster; and, in short, it accomwith at all. For my part, I never would plished everything, and more than

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everything, that we could hope to ac- "the land is bound to obey you' complish at so early a period. Above "For my own part, I will resist it to "the last gasp of my existence and all things, these divisions attracted the "with the last drop of my blood, and attentive and watchful eyes of the peo-" when I feel the hour of my dissoluple; and, it prepared them for express-"tion approaching, I will, like the ing their opinions upon these measures "father of Hannibal, take my children with regard to Ireland, which, as every "to the altar, and swear them to eternal man must clearly see, were intended to " hostility against the invaders of their be merely preparatory to similar mea- " country's freedom. Sir, I shall not sures for England, if similar grounds" detain you by pursuing this question should be discovered; and that similar" through the topics which it abundantly grounds will soon be discovered, every" offers. I should be proud to think one must be convinced, who ob-" my name might be handed down to serves how things stand on this" posterity in the same roll with those very day, the 14. of February; for, disinterested patriots who have sucwhy are the measures to be adop:-"cessfully resisted the enemies of their ed; because the honourable Member" country-successfully I trust it will for DUBLIN and many others, propose" be-in all events I have my exceeding that there shall be a repeal of the "great reward-I shall bear in my Union; the repeal of an act of Parlia-"heart the consciousness of having ment, of only thirty-two years' standing, "done my duty, and in the hour of while the people of England are de-" death I shall not be haunted by the manding the repeal of an Act of Par-"reflection of having basely sold or liament of a hundred and seventeen years' meanly abandoned the liberties of my standing. But more of this presently, "native land. Can every man who and let us now hear what were the opi- " gives his vote on the other side this nions of the present Lord Chancellor of "night lay his hand upon his heart and Ireland, with regard to this "funda- "make the same declaration? I hope mental and sacred compact," as it is called. What did he (who was then a member of the Irish Parliament) say, when that Act of Parliament was under discussion? These were his words:

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" so, it will be well for his own peace"the indignation and abhorrence of his countrymen will not accompany him " through life, and the curses of his "children will not follow him to his 66 grave."

It would be waste of time and of paper to bestow commentary on this; and, it is only necessary to state, that this same man joined the GRENVILLES and Whigs in 1806; that he came in again with CANNING; that he was then made a peer; that he is now Lord

66 Sir, I, in the most express terms, "deny the competency of Parliament to do this act. I warn you, do not "dare to lay your hand on the constituI tell you, that, if circum"stanced as you are, you pass this act, "it will be a nullity, and that no man "in Ireland will be bound to obey it. I "make the assertion deliberately-I re-Chancellor of Ireland; that all his sons peat it; and I call on any man who and near relations are either in the "hears me, to take down my words; church, or in some other way of receiv"you have not been elected for this ing great emoluments; that whether purpose-you are appointed to make he took them to the altar to swear laws, not legislatures-you are ap- eternal hostility to the union, we do not "pointed to act under the constitution, know; but that we do know that, if "not to alter it--you are appointed to additional powers be granted for carry"exercise the functions of legislators ing on the government of Ireland, this "and not to transfer thema-and if you very man will be the chief depository of do so your act is a dissolution of the those powers, which are avowedly ingovernment-you resolve society into tended to to stifle even any discussion "its original elements, and no man in with regard to that very union, to

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eternal hostility to which, he said he upon the records of Parliament, his would swear his children, and the sup-reprobation of the Septennial Bill, the porting of which, he said, would cause every supporter's children to follow him with curses to the grave.

repeal of which he, in his petition, of 1793, stated amongst the great objects of a reform of the House of Commons. Oh, God! one loses one's breath in attempting to utter these things!

Now, was it too much to require a few days to deliberate before we gave our assent to put additional powers Let any one point out, then, if he into the hands of such men? I put can, any ground for the giving “addithis question to the justice of my read-tional powers" in Ireland, which will ers: I ask them, how they would like not apply equally well for giving to have such measures adopted with additional powers" in England, the regard to themselves? And now I have moment a petition is heard of for the to tell them, that there is just as good repeal of the Septennial Bill; and such ground for "additional powers" in petitions will be carried to the House England, as there is for "additional very soon. Here is another set of powers" in Ireland; and while I make " repealers ;" and therefore we must this assertion good, I beg their attention

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have another " Additional-power Bill," proposed, too, to those, a very large What are the repealers asking for? portion of whom are positively pledged Why, the repeal of an act of Parlia- to vote for such repeal! This is enough ment, which they allege to be in- for the present upon the subject of Irejurious to Ireland. And what are the land; and, it may reconcile those who people of England asking for, what are "tired of the talk about Ireland," is the city of LONDON asking for? to think a little more of the matter. Why, amongst other things, for Athe wearisomness arose out of the REPEAL OF THE SEPTENNIAL question of "the imports and exports," BILL, which is a hundred and seven-let it be recollected, that that matter teen years old, while the Act of Union was not stirred by those who opposed with Ireland is only thirty years old. the address; let it be recollected, that Upon what ground is there not a simi-it was stirred up by Mr. RICHARDS and larity between the two cases? The Mr. TANCRED, who brought it forward two cases are, in all respects, as nearly to prove that the union had been good parallel as possible. We all know how instead of being bad; and, in effect, to injurious the Septennial Bill has been justify the proposition for giving "adto the whole kingdom; and shall we ditional powers." All these arguments, not listen to the Irish, while they state about "imports and exports," were anthe injuries which they say the Act of swered by my honourable and unanUnion has inflicted upon Ireland? Se-swerable colleague, Mr. FIELDEN. Let verely as the Act of Union was repro.. the public recollect this. Before I go bated by the present Lord Chancellor further, the address which I moved as of that country, the Septennial Bill was an amendment upon the address of the as severely reprobated by many mem- Ministers, I shall insert: bers of the then Parliament in England, "MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN-We, who called it a daring usurpation of " your Majesty's dutiful and loyal subthe people's rights, who thereupon "jects, the Commons of the United quitted the House, and who never en- Kingdom of Great Britain and Iretered it again. Curious, and interest-" land, in Parliament assembled, exingly curious, also, while the person press to your Majesty our humble who is the chief of the Government in" thanks for your Majesty's most graIreland, reprobated the Act of Union in "cious speech from the throne. the manner that we have just seen, the "We thank your Majesty for the inperson (Lord GREY) who is at the head" formation which your Majesty has of the administration in England, has been graciously pleased to communigiven us in black and white, and placed "cate to us relative to those proceed

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everything, that we could hope to ac- "the land is bound to obey you' complish at so early a period. Above "For my own part, I will resist it to all things, these divisions attracted the "the last gasp of my existence and "with the last drop of my blood, and attentive and watchful eyes of the peo-" when I feel the hour of my dissoluple; and, it prepared them for express-tion approaching, I will, like the ing their opinions upon these measures father of Hannibal, take my children with regard to Ireland, which, as every" to the altar, and swear them to eternal man must clearly see, were intended to " hostility against the invaders of their be merely preparatory to similar meacountry's freedom. Sir, I shall not sures for England, if similar grounds" detain you by pursuing this question should be discovered; and that similar" through the topics which it abundantly grounds will soon be discovered, every "offers. I should be proud to think one must be convinced, who ob-" my name might be handed down to serves how things stand on this" posterity in the same roll with those very day, the 14. of February; for, disinterested patriots who have sucwhy are the measures to be adop:-"cessfully resisted the enemies of their ed; because the honourable Member" country-successfully I trust it will for DUBLIN and many others, propose "be-in all events I have my exceeding that there shall be a repeal of the "great reward-I shall bear in my Union; the repeal of an act of Parlia-" heart the consciousness of having ment, of only thirty-two years' standing, "done my duty, and in the hour of while the people of England are de-" death I shall not be haunted by the manding the repeal of an Act of Par-" reflection of having basely sold or liament of a hundred and seventeen years'" meanly abandoned the liberties of my standing. But more of this presently, "native land. Can every man who and let us now hear what were the opi-"gives his vote on the other side this nions of the present Lord Chancellor of "night lay his hand upon his heart and Ireland, with regard to this "funda-" make the same declaration? I hope mental and sacred compact," as it is "so, it will be well for his own peacecalled. What did he (who was then a "the indignation and abhorrence of his member of the Irish Parliament) say, countrymen will not accompany him when that Act of Parliament was under " through life, and the curses of his discussion? These were his words: "children will not follow him to his "grave."

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"Sir, I, in the most express terms, deny the competency of Parliament "to do this act. I warn you, do not "dare to lay your hand on the constitu"tion. I tell you, that, if circum"stanced as you are, you pass this act, "it will be a nullity, and that no man "in Ireland will be bound to obey it. I "make the assertion deliberately-I repeat it; and I call on any man who "hears me, to take down my words; you have not been elected for this purpose-you are appointed to make laws, not legislatures-you are appointed to act under the constitution, "not to alter it-you are appointed to "exercise the functions of legislators "and not to transfer thema-and if you "do so your act is a dissolution of the government--you resolve society into "its original elements, and no man in

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It would be waste of time and of paper to bestow commentary on this; and, it is only necessary to state, that this same man joined the GRENVILLES and Whigs in 1806; that he came in again with CANNING; that he was then made a peer; that he is now Lord Chancellor of Ireland; that all his sons and near relations are either in the church, or in some other way of receiving great emoluments; that whether he took them to the altar to swear eternal hostility to the union, we do not know; but that we do know that, if additional powers be granted for carrying on the government of Ireland, this very man will be the chief depository of those powers, which are avowedly intended to stifle even any discussion with regard to that very union, to

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