áre so poor, her church so rich? After the agitator. (Hear, hear). Such has seven centuries of misgovernment to been the language of the noble Lord. which my country has been subjected, Oh! do not these right honourable Genis this to be our remedy? Is there to tlemen on the opposite side know that be yet another cry for blood? If Irish- they themselves, but last year, were as men had had the management of their loudly accused, as they now accuse me, own affairs; if all the disorders had of this same crime of agitation? Last taken place under Irish management, year you were the agitators of the peothen, indeed, might there be some ex-ple of England. They, the people of cuse for having recourse to force; but England, said your accusers, did not dewhen I hear the noble Lord talk of dis-sire those revolutionary changes which orders which have arisen while you you wished to introduce, until your agitahave been governing for us; when I tion almost stirred them to rebellion. hear you complain of us after seven Not one of those terms is there, of which centuries of misgovernment on your the noble Lord is so liberal-there is part; I throw back on you the charges not one which he has applied to me, which you lay on us; to you I impute which was not then, and with equal our miseries, and on you redounds our propriety, applied to the right hon. shame. If it is so it is your misgo-Gentlemen on the other side. Then vernment which has caused our disor- they treated these terms with contempt. ders; force will but increase the evils. With contempt, then, do I treat such There is but one remedy-to do justice. terms when they are applied to me. I ask again: Why is it that Ireland has Oh! have these crimes, indeed, arisen fallen as a spoil to the right hon. Secre- from agitation? They have been created tary? The noble Lord (Ormelie) the by misgovernment-not by agitation; member for Perthshire, has condescend- they have been created by deeds-not by ed to make a speech. A speech, too, words. Many have been the terms of rereceived with much applause by many proach which the noble Lord has heaped in the House-the noble Lord has con- upon me. The noble Lord calls me a descended to make a speech at me; he bird of prey, and asks for my co-operahas poured forth the vials of his wrath tion in measures for quieting Ireland. on my head-insupportable infliction! Is it, then, a bird of prey that is to be In these times there is no passing any one called upon to co-operate in the tranthat walks the street, no scion of the in- quillization of Ireland? Am I to quiet ferior or superior nobility, who does not Ireland? Has not the noble Lord seen venture his sarcasms on Ireland? I the right hon. Secretary for Ireland in have suffered this infliction; but I throw that country for two years; and what it back with scorn. Why, again I ask, has he done during so long a period of has Ireland been left as a spoil to this suffering and of crime? Nothing. He Secretary? Is Ireland now more quiet has given to-night some notices on the On the contrary, have not crimes in- subject-some rhodomontade of á Grand creased tenfold? On this point all par- Jury Bill-some measure for increasing ties are agreed. There is no difference of the constabulary force; and whether I opinion on that subject. The only ques- be a bird of prey or not, I know that.. tion on which it is possible for us to these are not the measures which will differ is, how it is that crimes have thus quiet Ireland. It cannot be worth while, increased? (Great cheering). Whence indeed, to ask counsel of a bird of prey. have those disorders originated which When the noble Lord shall have done. we all know have spread so wide, and as much for his country-for Scotland are still spreading? There are two -as I have done for mine; when he has. modes of accounting for their increase. The one is that which has been adopted by the noble Lord, the mover of the address. He attributes all Ireland's errors and all Ireland's crimes to me-to me,

found it filled with factions, and changed it into an united people; when he has agitated, as I am happy to think that I have done, and to as good effect; when he has done all that, then let the noble

Lord presume to assail with such lan- it, then agitation ought to be put down; guage a better man than himself, what if not, is it just that England should ever difference in their opinions there once more be called upon to send an may be. Every passenger in the streets additional force of bayonets and of bulin these days, lards his sentences with lets into my unfortunate country? Irescarcasins on Ireland. I reject the land must continue thus to be governed terms which he applies to me with in- by force; and if there was a time when <dignation and scorn. They prove his it was not so governed for these 700 disposition to be injurious, but they years, I do not know who has discovered prove nothing more. What he says of it. It was so in the time of Henry VIII., me on the subject of agitation is neither when only a portion of the Irish were bright nor novel; every term which he the king's subjects. It was so in the has used, and far more, was familiar to time of Elizabeth. So ignorant are -me during the time of agitation. All many of the history of Ireland, that the noble Lord's metaphors, and his they are not apprised that a great portion birds of prey, are light, compared to of the Irish were not the King of Engsome of the epithets to which I was land's subjects till the year 1614, in the then accustomed. The conduct of his reign of James I. During the time of Majesty's Government will cause me to the present Administration, what but agitate again. Ministers are agitating evil, after all their promises, has been for me, and far more than ever. Ireland done to my country; more lives have has arrived at that state of inanition been lost while they have governed it, which generally precedes the political than during the administration of the death of a state-a state which can be Earl of Strafford. Every post brings cured only by the sanguinary remedies fresh accounts of some miserable Irishof a civil war. The repeal of the Union man assassinated by a policeman or a is a measure which is now necessary, soldier at noontide, or murdered by not only for the good of Ireland, but for some miscreants at night. To-day the the safety of the King's throne. Hon. newspapers contain an account of such members last year were in the habit of a murder. In the county of Mayo, some talking of the repeal as a thing so men were shot lately for singing a song distant, so improbable, so impracticable, in the presence of some policemen. that it scarce deserved a moment's con- Another man was stabbed to death in sideration. This year all parties in Ire-Queen's County, for an equally trifling land are reconciled to it. Formerly the offence. At a meeting in Kanturk, poright honourable Secretary used to talk of it as a subject which would never become a serious question; nobody now denies that it is a subject which requires discussion. It would be more advisable in any case, if the subject must be put down, that it be by moral truth, and not by force. If any man will say that agitation has produced the present state of Ireland, he is totally ignorant of what every statesman ought to know the history of the country which he governs. The whole history of Ireland proves that agitation has not been the cause of the evils in which it has been involved. I have proof, ancient and modern, of this fact; and if I am told otherwise, and have to do with men who cannot have read even their own history; if they be right, and can so prove

licemen in coloured clothes were sent among the people, and the soldiers, with their muskets primed and loaded, were marched upon them; but the soldiers had no pretence for firing, in consequence of the peaceable conduct of the people, till a policeman in coloured clothes threw a stone at a soldier. The soldier followed the policeman, and seized him. Seven witnesses swore to the fact of his throwing the stone; yet it was with great difficulty that any magistrate could be found to sign a warrant for his committal; and the grand jury ignored the bill of indictment. This is the justice which is meeted out to Ireland. To show the character of my countrymen, I will mention their conduct with respect to one of that body (the police), who are

"

Bo obnoxious, particularly to the lower (Mr. Stanley) whether there ever was a classes of the Irish; and to show the time of agitation in which there was not treatment which my countrymen too a cessation of Whiteboy outrages. The often receive, I will mention the reward hon. and learned Member here alluded of their kindness. The policeman took to the friends which Ireland possessed shelter in a poor cottage, and appealed among the Scotch, in a remark which to the generosity of its inmates. They we did not catch precisely. He then received him-they took care of him- continued as, follows: There was no they put him in bed-his pursuers in-period, not even the present, in which quired at the cottage-they denied him Whiteboyism was more prevalent than -they came a second and a third time in the years 1821 and 1822. Was that a -the same denial! They awoke the period of agitation? On the contrary, policeman when the danger was over, upon the accession of George IV., as and put him on his road. Another well from his professions on other ocparty of police came, and accused them casions as his promises of doing someof concealing him. They laid hold of, thing for the relief of Ireland during his and handcuffed them. They handcuffed visit to that country, we determined to the wife but she was a poor Irish- wait till we should see what would be woman; she was no Mrs. Deacle. Less done for us spontaneously. And agitawas done to Mrs. Deacle, and all Eng-tion ceased entirely for about two land (and very properly) rang with it. years; yet during this time the InsurThe least attempt at resistance to op-rection Act was put in force, in consepression in Ireland is but the signal for quence of Whiteboy outrages in no less another slaughter, and yet more force is than eleven counties; and at the time called for. What is the cry, but a cry when the Catholic Association was first for blood? If you want to send more formed, eighteen counties were in a soldiers to Ireland, you want to give state of disturbance; before the Catho more opportunities for shedding blood. lic Association had been in full agitation Four cases of wilful murder have been eighteen months, every county in Irefound against soldiers and policemen. land was exempt from its operation. I say his Majesty's Government are the Now I would call upon those who are cause of these crimes. Yes; I accuse his such advocates for shooting my counMajesty's Government of the slaughter trymen, to contradict that fact. I call at Newtownbarry; for they it was that upon them to account for that circumput arms into the hands of these men, stance I am speaking of, and for unand gave them the weapons with which happy Ireland. I ask why an Irishman their victims were slaughtered. The is to be treated differently from Englishright hon. Secretary has already con- men or Scotchmen? An Irishman is quered Ireland by force; he has con- not that silly thoughtless creature which quered it with foot and horse and ma- your farces and your plays have taught rines; he has turned the barracks into you to consider him. He is shrewd stores for tithed articles, in spite of the and sensible. Seven centuries of oppeople of Ireland. By force he has pression have taught the nation to watch been successful already. Why then the signs of the times, and when they talk of adding to the force in Ireland? see any prospect of obtaining legal reIs agitation the cause of the crimes dress, they give up all other means by which I have mentioned, or is it the which they at other times seek to better conduct of the Government? Nor is their condition. This is the cause why agitation the cause of the Whiteboys, Whiteboy outrages and agitation never which are proved to have been com- exist together. When Ireland shall mitted by the lowest and poorest of the have no grievances left, then Whitepeople. It has been proved that these boy outrages will cease, and agitation outrages have no connexion with any will cease. What new cause is there political measure whatever. Nay, for sending force to Ireland? Has not more; I defy the right hon. Gentleman every tithe meeting been already put

down by bullets and bayonets ? Perhaps to be vested in Frenchmen, what indigIreland is not yet sufficiently oppressed. nation would not be felt? How soon My parish contains 12,300 souls, of would they be resisted? It is true that which 75 are Protestants. Is it no laws have been passed with a view to grievance that twelve thousand two protect the poor in cases of injustice on hundred and odd Catholics should pay the part of magistrates, but these laws tithes for the support of the clergy of have assumed so many forms, and been these 75 Protestants? The Members subject to so many alterations, that no of his Majesty's Government may call action could possibly be successfully me agitator, and may ascribe to my maintained against a magistrate by a agitation the increase of crime, which I poor man. I need not hinder you long deplore. They forget that no govern-in proving this. I have been anticiment ever agitated so much as they pated in my argument by the right hon. have done. The increase of crime is Gentlemen on the opposite side. It was not the result of agitation, but crime is part of their stock in trade while in opthe consequence of the continuance of position; they always promised that our grievances; and agitation also, as it this was to be redressed when they came ought to be. What care I for the sneers into power. When Lord Manners went or taunts of the noble Lord (Ormelie)? to Ireland, the last words the King adIf Ireland continues to have grievances dressed to him were, "Attend particuI think myself bound to agitate, and Ilarly to the revision of the magistracy.” will agitate, until a third Algerine Act What was the result? A great many shall be passed. If you pass another magistrates were certainly struck off such, then indeed, and then only, you the list; a great many who were dead put an end to my agitation; but if you were struck off; a great many Cathoshould attempt it, it will take many and lics were struck off; and, lastly, a great many a long year before you will be many improper persons certainly were able to put it into execution. We con- struck off; but this did not last long. tend for liberty, and to protect our-The improper persons-those who had selves from those who seek our blood. been insolvent and others—were speedThe Irish, notwithstanding the many ily reinstated. They had the ear of the calumnies with which they have been castle. It appeared from the evidence assailed, are an honest, a moral, and a of General Burke, that an excuse on religious people. There is more religion another occasion for not purging in Ireland than in any country, not ex- the magistracy, was, that the period cepting that of the noble Lord. Even for renewing the lists being at hand the Whiteboy outrages are no proof any it would be better to have their turnbad trait in the national character. My out at that time. In short, the right countrymen will never, in any struggle, honourable Secretary for Ireland had act contrary to that character; but I done, during his administration, somewill present to the House such a cata-thing with the Irish, he had suclogue of grievances as will justify me in ceeded in making them unanimous ; appealing to them, whether, if these be all parties of them concur in one thing; continued, an Irishman has not a right they all agree in their hatred towards is not bound to agitate. First, in the him; they all join in that cry. He has list of these grievances, we have to com- probably, been sent to Ireland on the plain of a magistracy unconnected by same principle as the Earl of Kildare, feeling or religion with the people. Let who," as no one could govern him, us suppose, for a moment, that this were was sent to govern Ireland." The prothe case in England; how would Eng-ceedings of the magistrates in petty lishmen brook a magistracy of foreign- sessions give them a complete impuers? If England had a gentry uncon-nity for every act of oppression exercised nected by feeling with the people, from against the poor. Their deeds are not whom all her magistrates were selected; the acts of an individual but of the board, suppose the power of enforcing her laws and they are sure to support each other,

to that a poor man has no means of ob- [from which I do not shrink. I do not: saining redress. Those things may to know the rules of the House so well as some members of this House, perhaps, the noble Lord. If I am wrong, I will appear trivial; but to those who are not persevere in the use of these terms; under the operation of such laws, they but if I am right, I feel bound to perse are matters of vital import; and still vere. I always have understood, that more so when we consider that the upon constitutional grounds, the speech jurisdiction of those magistrates has is to be considered and may be spoken been extended, not only to criminal of as that of the Minister. If the matters, but to trying the titles of the Speaker shall declare me to be wrong, property of the poor. The Trespass if the speech is to be considered as the Act has been made use of to usurp this speech of the King, my lips shall be power. I may be told that the poor sealed; but if I am right, if the speech man has his redress by application to an is to be considered the speech of the equitable jurisdiction and keeping pos- Minister, the terms which I have used session; but I know a poor man who are not strong enough. was fined for such a proceeding. It is The SPEAKER then stated his decision true the statute says a magistrate must as follows: "As the honourable and not try rights; but a poor man cannot learned Gentleman has applied to me pay the costs of the law. I do not whether, upon constitutional grounds, accuse all the magistrates of injustice, the speech is to be considered that of nor even a majority of them; but I do the King or that of his Ministers, my accuse a very large and a very influen- opinion is, that the speech is to be contial class among them. There are sidered as that of those who are responthirty-four stipendiary magistrates in sible for it. The honourable and learned Ireland who are appointed by Govern- Gentleman is, therefore, right as to the ment, and out of these Lord Anglesea point of order; but I put to himself appointed twenty-six; and not one of whether the decency which is required them was a Catholic. There were also for the order of the proceedings in the thirty-two sub-inspectors of police, only House can be maintained when such one being a Catholic. With such a ma- words are made use of." gistracy, if suffered still to subsist, was there not ground enough for agitation? Ireland had long looked with anxiety to the first meeting of a reformed Parliament. Oh! what will be the cry when this brutal and bloody speech shall be read there?

Lord JOHN RUSSELL rose. I move that the words of the hon. Member be taken down.

"Mr. O'CONNELL. If these words are declared by the Speaker to be out of order, I do not persevere in them. I will give no opportunity against me by my words. I will use the gentlest lady like words. I withdraw the expression. The speech is not a brutal and a bloody speech.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL. I do not object to any word used by the honourable and learned Gentleman; but I object to the application of any such terms to a speech which his Majesty has uttered. *Mr. O'CONNELL. This is a question

Mr. O'CONNELL proceeded. Were not the grievances which existed in Ireland such as to who, instead of redressing those grievances, call for any reprobation of the conduct of those called for additional powers to repress the discontent which they had occasioned? Was the administration of justice iu Ireland in a state in which there was nothing to complain of? Was is not well known, that for twenty years the patronage of the bench in Ireland had been invariably exercised with a reference to political opinions? Was it not well known, petitions in favour of the emancipation of the that during that period all those who signed Catholics, by that act virtually excluded themselves from office in Ireland? Was it not well known, that if any man had so declared he was compelled to make the amende honor himself the friend of Catholic Emancipation, able before he could stand the least chance of forgiveness? When the Irish people saw all this; when they saw, that although their judges could not be rewarded in their own warded in the persons of their sons or their persons for their political bias, they were renephews; if by such means they saw that the judges, although they could receive no direct increase of their incomes, received the indirect increase, which the saving of the money which they must otherwise have expended in the