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SMITHFIELD.-Jan. 28.

This day's supply of beasts was moderately good, both as 'o uumbers and quality; but the supply of each kind of small stock was rather limited. Trade was throughout very dull; with beef at a depression of full 2d per stone; with mutton, veal, and pork, at barely Friday's quotations.

The beasts consisted of about equal numbers of short-horns and Devonshire (chiefly) steers

old Lincolns, horned and polled Norfolks, horned and polled Scotch and Welch sheep, horned Dorsets, &c.

Beasts, 2,467; sheep, 17,880; calves, 91; pigs, 160.

MARK-LANE.-Friday, Feb. 1.

The arrivals are moderate, with the prices the same as on Monday.

3 per Cent. Cons. Ann.

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MOBBETT'S MAGAZINE, a Monthly Review of Politics, History, Science, Literature, Arts, &c. &c. is published this day. The Contents of the Number or this Month are as follow:-1. Will it be Suffered to Work?-2. Portraits of the Senate.-3. La Huitaine, with Trauslation.-4. The "Swinish Multitude."-5. The Masque of Anarchy, a Poem.-6. Review: "Journal of a Naturalist."-7. Population and Employment.-8. Patriotism; or, our Love for and Duty to our Country.-9. Lectures on Music, with Concerted Illustrations.-10. The Leading Newspaper Press.-11. The Flight of Israel; a Fragment.-12. On the Present State of the Country, with regard to the Debt and the Taxes.-13. Banim's Novels.-14. The Dutch War.-15. Scenes in the Sister Island.-16. The Irish Monthly Magazine.-17. Going to Sea.-18 Ireland.-19. Mr. O'Connell's Letter. -20. Sonnet.-21. "Annual Parliaments, Universal Suffrage, and Vote by Ballot."22. What Properties a Parliament Man should have.

Published at No. 11, Bolt-court, Fleetstreet; and by Effingham Wilson, Royal Exchange. To be had of Newsmen and Booksellers throughout the country.

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[OHN DEAN, 112, Half-paved-court, Salisbury-square, has a complete set of "COBBETT'S POLITICAL REGISTER" for sale. He begs also to inform the public, that he supplies "COBBETT'S POLITICAL Register," and all other Newspapers, Reviews, and Periodical Publications, upon receiving a quarter's payment in advance, or an order for that purpose upon some person in Town.

N. B. Newspapers the day after publication at a reduced price,

THE WEEKLY TRUE SUN.
N SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 10. will be

and oxen, with some cows and heifers; Welsh published, the First Number of the

runts, and Scots, or Norfolk home-breds, with, perhaps, about 200 Herefords, as many Town'send cows, and a few Sussex and Irish beasts, Staffords, &c.

Full three-fifths of the sheep appeared to be new Leicesters, of the South Down and whitefaced crosses, in the proportion of about one of the former to three of the latter; about a tenth South Downs; and the remaining threetenths about equal numbers of Kents, Kentish half-breds, and old Leicesters; with a few

WEEKLY TRUE SUN, a Journal of Politics, News,and Literature, to aid the MANY in their struggles with the FEW. Under the same management as the DAILY TRUE SUN.

A Country Edition will leave town by Saturday's Post. Office 366, Strand. Orders received through all the Newsmen.

Printed by William Cobbett, Johnson's-court: and published by him, at 11, Bolt court, Fleet street.

VOL. 79.-No. 6.] LONDON, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 9TH, 1833.

PROCEEDINGS

IN PARLIAMENT.

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most people thought incapable of admitting of additional severity. In short, it is just such a speech as preceded the green bags and the bills of 1817; just such a speech; and, with the omission of the green bags, the proceedings would, in all probability, have been much about the same had it not been for the amendment proposed by Mr. O'CONNELL. In that case, however, there was a green bag filled with papers of some sort or other; and represented to contain proofs of a treasonable conspiracy. The bag was not opened to the House, but to a secret committee of the House selected by Castlereagh and his colleagues. A secret committee reported to the House that it was right

Bolt-court, 7. February, 1833. EVERY eye is directed towards, and fixed upon, the proceedings of the reformed House of Commons. This is the first time within my recollection of an adjourned debate on a king's speech; to empower CASTLEREAGH and SIDbut, if the debate had not been ad- MOUTH to shut up in dungeons whornjourned, a debate on such a speech, it soever they pleased; gave them the would have been to proclaim to the power to do that, and that power they people that nothing at all had been gain instantly began to put in execution. ed by reform. For what is this speech? But, as I said before, there was the Not one word of sympathy does it ex-show of having grounds for the propress for any part of the sufferings of ceedings. In this case there is nothing the people; not one word in the way of but a bare statement, and a very loose holding out hope to them in the way of statement, too; and of that statement seeing better times: no promise of made by the advocates of the speech, gentle government; no promise of not one single syllable remained unmerciful treatment; no promise of re- denied and undisproved, as far as dress for past wrongs; no promise of disproof could be given in such a case. justice for the future; a hint that the The short and the long of the matter is peace has been tolerably well kept in this, the Irish people are resolved to pay England, and a further hint that it was tithes no longer to a Protestant church. well for the people that they had kept That church has an immense revenue in it. Those who look well at words will tithes and in lands: it is easy to be seen see a great deal more of the threat than that the lands must follow the tithes : it of the promise in these words. A great is an immense mass of public property deal of sympathy is expressed with re-all fallen together: we maintain (I do gard to the Portuguese! most anxious at any rate), that this property belongs desire to prevent civil war amongst to the public, and ought to be taken for the people of that country; but no such sentiment with regard to our brethren in Ireland; but, on the contrary, a call on the Parliament for additional powers, powers beyond not only the laws of England as they now stand, very freely extended in point of severity; not only an addition to these laws; but an addition to the laws of Ireland, which

public uses. It belongs, in fact, to the nobility and gentry, partly English and partly Irish. It is enjoyed by their families, and is as much theirs, in that respect, as if it was so much of freehold property. An attempt has been made, and is making, partly by forms of law, partly by other sort of force, to compel the Irish to desist from their purpose of

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refusing to pay tithes. The law has | with regard to Ireland, in order to combeen made more and more severe, more pel Catholics to pay tithes to Protestant and more prompt, more and more "vi- parsons, and thereby make it consistent gorous," to use a favourite word of in them to punish the Protestants of Lord GREY; but still all has been found England for a similar refusal to pay insufficient, and now additional powers tithes? This is the great question now are called for, and this reformed House at issue: it is now Thursday noon. of Commons is called upon, as its very The question may have been decided first act, to give those additional before this Register shall go to press; powers, which is precisely what CAS- and, therefore, the people will have an TLEREAGH and SIDMOUTH called for early opportunity of judging what they when they had already prepared their are to expect from this reformed House bills of 1817. The precise nature of of Commons. So completely is the the measures to be adopted does not ap- public mind absorbed in what is now pear to have been yet stated to the passing in the House of Commons House of Commons. The Ministers and about the result of which every were several times asked to be explicit soul is anxious, that it would be throwupon this point, but always evaded it. ing away time to address my readers on They were told that they intended to any other subject. The money affairs take away the trial by jury, and to must soon come on, and then we shall suspend the act of Habeas Corpus. see what is to be done for the relief of They were repeatedly told this; and not the people as well as for the relief of a man of them denied that it was so. Irish parsons, who seem at present to They did not declare in the affirmative, be such very interesting objects of comto be sure, but not a man of them de- passion. I cannot conclude this article, nied that such was their intention. however, without expressing a wish that every man in England could have heard the speeches of Mr. O'CONNELL, Mr. GRATTAN, and Mr. SHEIL, and also of Mr. BARRON, and, indeed, of all the Irish members. Several of the English

spoken in a good spirit and ably; but there wanted nothing but to hear the Irish members to be convinced that they

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Now, then, what is the real object of this terrible measure? Why, to compel the Irish people to submit quietly to the payment of tithes. If, when these acts are passed, any man be known, or be suspected of being hostile to the pay-members, particularly Mr.HARVEY, have ment of tithes, he has no security for his person for a single moment. He has no jury to protect him against any accusation, be it what it may, or come it from whom it may. He may be sent to a jail and into a dungeon at any mo- to ment, without cause assigned, and there he may be kept at the pleasure of those who send him thither; and for what is all this? Again, I say, to compel the Irish people, tamely and quietly, to submit to the payment of tithes. And, now observe, it is not upon Ireland only that this is intended to operate, it is upon England also; for, it is to tell the people of England that if they do not submit to pay tithes, that they shall be dungeoned and treated in the same way that it is now intended the people of Ireland shall be treated. This is the great question now at issue: will the reformed House of Commons, or will it not, consent to these horrible measures

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have no need to come to this of the water the water for somebody take care of their concerns. The Ministers went away wholly from the subject of the speech; assumed that the Irish wanted a total separation from England, and argued against such separation; did not attempt to show why they ought to be punished for such wish even if they had entertained it; but upon that assumption, and that assumption only, justified that part of the speech which has caused all this delay in passing the address, and which is to cause further delay still; because it would be eternal disgrace to this reformed House of Commons if there were not men enough found in it to make use of all possible means to give the people time well to weigh the consequences of

by this part of the speech from the throne.

such a dreadful measure as is suggested severance, that reform which I and others have long pointed out as the means of effecting the necessary changes In the House of Lords, the Earl of in our system of Government with the RODEN, who has the amiable humility greater chance of peace than we could to be the searcher of one of the ports in hope for without it; or, at least, we Ireland, I believe, who opposed the Re- have obtained a good deal towards a form Bill, and who protested against it, real reform. But it is upon the pro expressed his high approbation of that ceedings of the House of Commons this part of the speech which related to Ire-very week that will depend mainly land. In the House of Commons no whether the people shall look upon this member amongst those who are called reform as a mere delusion, or as the conservatives appears as yet to have something capable and willing to do spoken upon the subject, nor has any them the services that they justly anticione appeared to testify his intention of pate from it; and I will here give my doing so; but, that which I told my readers a record, as full as my limits hearers last autumn throughout all the will allow, of those proceedings. It will north of England and throughout a be recollected, that, as soon as the Regreat part of Scotland, will now, my form Bill was passed, many men readers will see, be verified to the very throughout the country who were well letter ; that is to say, the two parties will cordially unite for all the purposes necessary for the uphold ing of the present system. They must unite; it is impossible for them to proceed without uniting. If they do not unite, then Ministers will soon be left in a minority, and then what is to follow?

5. February, 1833.

acquainted with the tricks of electionering, and of hollow politicians of great professions who gained seats in Parlia ment by pompous protestations which they took good care not to realize, began to think of a mode whereby they might test candidates for seats in Parliament, and as far as possible create a unanimous feeling throughout the country to send to the House of Commons none but men who would pledge them It is my duty here fully to record selves to propose or support certain the proceedings upon the opening of specific measures on which the mind of the reformed Parliament, not merely the country was already determined. considering it as a matter of curiosity, The proposition was catching amongst but as one of the greatest importance in the people, but not so amongst the canitself, and as it may affect this kingdom didates; each thought his honour might in future. My readers, and all those be depended upon, and, though agreewho have gone with me in sentiment ing with the people in sentiment, wishon political affairs for these last thirty ed to be left unshackled by pledges. It years, have been regularly warned by was laughable to observe the craft of me to look forward to a day of consi-some, the intemperance of others, and derable anxiety and even peril not to be the impudence of many, on having ten¬ averted by any but those timely mea-dered to them the test of political faith; sures which I have proposed and urged, without ceasing, for a space now of nearly thirty years. They have watched the course of events, and have, from time to time, seen verified the predictions that I have made; and they therefore are not unprepared for the future, who have without surprise beheld the past.

We have obtained, by the most strenuous efforts, and by great per

but, notwithstanding an almost universal dislike of the pledges, many candidates were compelled to take them in order to secure their seats.

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In a very few days it will be obvious to the whole nation the wisdom of having exacted the pledges that they did exact, and the absolute necessity of doing so again upon every occasion where it has come to a unanimous decision upon any main topic. We shall now have put

upon record the names of those who may be assured that I shall not fail to deserve the confidence of the country avail myself of any opportunity that and of those who do not; and I beg again and again to remind my readers may be afforded me to assist in restoring that they should keep a constant eye peace to a country with which the inupon the proceedings in this House. It terests of my dominions are so intiis now upon its trial; it is now going mately connected. to show its character, its kind, and, if it disappoint the nation which has sent it together, let the nation examine wherein the fault lies, and take timely and efficient resolution to prevent the next from doing so likewise.

"I have also to regret that my earnest endeavours to effect a definitive arrangement between Holland and Belgium, have hitherto been unsuccessful. I found myself at length compelled, in I shall now insert the King's speech, conjunction with the King of the as delivered from the throne by his French, to take measures for the exeMajesty in person on this day; and a cution of the treaty of the 15. Nov., more important, and, to my mind, more injudicious document never was pre1831. The capture of the citadel of sented to any Parliament of England. Antwerp has in part accomplished that It is not much, to be sure,that ever was object, but the Dutch Government still expected from Whig wisdom, Whig refusing to evacuate the rest the terjustice, or Whig clemency; but in this speech there is such a signal want of the ritories assigned to Belgium by that whole three, that I cannot but look treaty, the embargo which I had upon it as a sign that those intestine directed to be imposed on the Dutch jarrings of the Cabinet that some have commerce has been continued. Negohinted at are real, that this is the tiations are again commenced, and you patched-up mess brought out to satisfy disagreeing minds, and that it is a prelude to the breaking up of Lord Grey's administration.

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may rely on their being conducted on my part as they have uniformly been, with the single view of ensuring to Holland and Belgium a separate existence, on principles of mutual security and independence.

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THE KING'S SPEECH. "My Lords and Gentlemen, "The period being now arrived at "The good faith and honour with which the business of Parliament is which the French Government has usually resumed, I have called you to- acted in these transactions, and the gether for the discharge of the important assurances which I continue to receive duties with which you are intrusted. from the chief powers of Europe of Never at any time did subjects of greater their friendly disposition, give me coninterest and magnitude call for your fidence in the success of my endeavours attention. to preserve the general peace. I have "I have still to lament the conti-given directions that the various papers nuance of the civil war in Portugal, which are necessary for your informawhich has for some months existed tion on the affairs of Holland and Belbetween the Princes of the House of gium should be laid before you. Braganza. From the commencement "The approaching termination of of this contest I have abstained from all the charters of the Bank of England interference, except such as was re-and of the East India Company, will quired for the protection of British require a revision of these establishsubjects resident in Portugal; but you ments, and I rely on your wisdom for

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