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Now, as to the subject of the debate, was an argument confined solely to it became matter of great import comparative fitness and compatibility; ance, in a pecuniary point of view, and as there was to set against that, especially when connected with the" the saving of four thousand pounds previous enormous grants to the a year," many men voted for the Speaker and his son. The question of "saving." If it had been a question of fitness or unfitness for the office, pensioner or no pensioner, the result though of some consequence, certainly, would have been different. There became matter of no consequence at all, would have been many more to vote when compared with the effect, which for no pensioner. I am not pretending must naturally be produced upon the to believe, that there would have been people, by the choosing of a pensioner, anything like an equal division, even with a son a sinecurist, to be put at the then; for this was not a question on head of this reformed House of Com- which any of the members were pledged; mons There was something, to be it was not a question of taking off taxes, sure, extremely strange, in the servants or of laying on taxes; if put in its of the King making application to a proper shape, it still would have been known and decided enemy of parlia- only a question relating to the character mentary reform to become the Speaker of the House, only a mere symptom of of the new House of Commons; some its future intentions; and though that thing that could not fail to excite the was a great deal to decide, it was a suspicion, that they wished to have the matter that would make a deep impresTories at their back, to assist them in sion only on thinking persons. There preventing any real change in the sys-fore, probably half the members present

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looked upon themselves as giving vote for the saving of public money.

With regard to the Act of Parliament granting the pension in fee, and in re version, I think that Sir JOHN CAMP BELL will find it very difficult to reconcile his construction of it to law or to reason.

tem. It is impossible not to believe, that there must have been some motive of this sort at the bottom of this negotiation; and, therefore, this was a good objection on the part of Mr. O'CONNELL; the argument of unfitness in Mr. SUTTON, merely because he held opinions different from those entertained by a He said, that the act pro supposed majority of the House, does vided for the pension's beginning from not appear to have had much weight in the hour that Mr. SUTTON ceased to it; and the real and solid argument be Speaker: and that he did not cease to against his elevation was this: that he be Speaker, until another Speaker was is an enormous pensioner; that he has chosen; and that, therefore, by being been living upon the public money ever again chosen Speaker, he was in fact since he was very young; that he be- continued in his office, and that, of longs to a family aggrandized from the course, the pension would not begin to proceeds of the public purse; and that, become due, until the time when he therefore, to put him at the head of should cease to be Speaker hereafter. this reformed House of Commons, to If this be the true construction of the select him as an epitome of the whole act, why choose him again? If he House, was to declare to the people, were Speaker at the very moment when that the reform should produce them the debate was going on, why propose no alleviation of their burdens. It is a him again; why debate about the pity that this was not made the ground- matter; why propose him; why not let work of the opposition to his appoint- him take the chair as usual, and sit ment. But this, which I am sure my there till voted out of it? It was said, readers will deem the great and sub-that, if the King had died, between the stantial objection, was not even alluded dissolution and the return of the new Par to by Mr. HUME, who brought forward the motion for appointing Mr. LITTLETON in preference to Mr. SUTTON. His

liament, the old Parliament must have been called together again, with their old Speaker at their head; and that,

therefore, he still was Speaker until the however great his zeal, his industry, and very hour when the House was debat his talent, can be of any service to ing about him. There appears not to them. It was the people_themselves be the shadow of ground for con- who caused the Reform Bill to be sidering him still to be Speaker, brought in; it was the people themselves any more than for considering the that caused the second House of Commembers of the late Parliament to mons to pass the Reform Bill; it was be the members of this. This con- the people themselves that finally caused struction of the act is wholly untena- the success of the bill: and it is the ble; and, it is as clear as daylight, that people themselves, who must now Mr. SUTTON might, the moment that cause that bill to produce any of the efthe pension act was passed, have sold fects which they have expected from it. the pension for his life, and have put The means which the people have to the money in his pocket, and that the use, are, first, petitioning; next, remonpurchaser would, under that act of Par-strating; next, resisting. These are liament, have had a clear right to come the means which they have used in forand demand his money at the Treasury, mer times. Let us hope that it never and to sue the officers of the Treasury, will be necessary for them ever again to if they did not pay him the annuity or resort to either of the two latter. That rent. His being re-chosen Speaker the right of resisting acts of undoubted does not nullify the act in the smallest tyranny, exists in every people on earth; degree; he can sell the pension now; and if it did not, men would be worse and if he do not sell it and put the off than the beasts that perish. The money safely in his pocket, it will not right, this last and terrible right, was be owing to any impediment that he can resorted to at that epoch, which was find in that act. If he do not receive called the Revolution; and it is now, the pension and the salary at the same on the same principle, resorted to in the time, it must be owing to his own State of SOUTH CAROLINA; where, in forbearance, and not to any protection my opinion, it is rightfully exercised; that the public purse will receive from because it is exercised in resistance of the law. heavy, unequal, and unjust taxation. So much for this first act of this re- We, however,though heavily oppressed; formed House of Commons. It was al-though we have suffered long, and very ways clear, that the people must not severely, have, I am satisfied, no need slacken in their exertions; that, what- to resort to desperate means of any ever they want done, they must petition kind. for; that they must be much more vi- the usual style and manner employed gilant than ever they were in the ob- by our ancestors. By the means of petaining of the Reform Bill; that they titions, we hold direct communication must not delay; not neglect their im- with those who make, and who admiportant duties; for that, if they be SI-nister the laws; we tell them very freely LENT, they may be well assured, that what we think of their acts; we exnothing will be done for their relief. press our wishes to them with regard to They ought to meet in counties, in what they ought to do, and what they cities, in boroughs, in towns, in villages: ought not to do: we complain of those the right of petition is that right, the of their acts which we deem injurious vigilant and resolute exercise of which, to us; and, though the form of our deEnglish tyrants have always found to mand is that of a prayer, and though be, at last, too strong for them. The that is a form, which is required by the people should consider, that even the great respect which every one owes to members on whom they most justly the laws, as well as to the office of those rely, stand in need of their support. who make and execute the laws, this Silence is proverbially taken to give prayer is, in effect, as much a demand consent: and, if the people be silent, as if it went by that name. Our forelet them be well assured, that no man, fathers were extremely tenacious with

Our arms are PETITIONS, in

regard to this right of petitioning, ward the petitions. The malt and hop which, though ridiculed by Mr. PAINE, taxes ought to stand at the head of is a right, under the existence of which, every petition for relief. Until these if it be freely enjoyed, and steadily ex-be entirely taken off, there can be no ercised, a tyranny never can exist for man in his senses to propose any alteraany length of time. tion in the Corn-bill. They are the The next thing is, then, on what sub- cause of more and greater evils than jects the people ought now to petition are to be described in a volume. They the House of Commons. Every man have inainly assisted in breaking up who reflects but very little upon the that happiest of all communities that matter, will perceive, that the main the world ever saw; namely, the agri. thing to be accomplished is, a REDUC-cultural community of England. The TION OF THE TAXES. There are soap-tax is also excessively burdenother things that want to be attended some, and falling most heavy on those to. Divers very crying grievances; who can least bear it; and, with regard grievances such as our forefathers never to the stamps and the assessed taxes, dreamed of the possibility of; and these independent of their pressure, their parmust all be redressed; or else, this re-tiality is so crying, that it is impossible form of the Parliament will have failed for any just man to look at them withof its object. But, the first thing of all out feeling himself swell with indignais, a reduction of the taxes; because tion. The whole of the taxes ought to the burden of taxation is the real source be repealed, and that, too, without loss of all the evils which the country has of time; but still the malt and hopto endure. It is the cause of the bodily taxes demand a preference; and it is sufferings of the people; it is the cause for a repeal of those taxes, which I most of the increase of crime; it is the cause strongly recommend all my countrymen of the profligacy of expenditure, not to petition without loss of time. For a only in public affairs, but in the private affairs of man; it is the cause of the new and severe laws that have been passed; and of the abridgment of our liberties of every description. Therefore, the first thing to do is, to obtain a reduction of these enormous taxes; and, taking these taxes in the order in which they are cruel and mischievous, they stand, in my opinion, in the following order:

1. The taxes on malt and hops.
2. The tax on soap.

3. The taxes on stamps.
4. The taxes on houses, windows, and
other things, coming under the
head of assessed taxes.
These taxes immediately concern us
all they are on the growth of our
land, or on our transactions with one
another, or on our dwelling-places, or
on the things that we use. With regard
to things which come from abroad, or
things, the use of which is not common
to us all, there will be time enough to
speak hereafter. At present these are
the taxes to be petitioned against; and
no time should be lost in sending for-

bushel of malt and a pound of hops we are now paying about twelve shillings, instead of having them for about five, which we should have, were there no tax upon either; so that here are the millions of England and Wales paying pretty nearly two hundred per cent. on account of tax, upon their drink, coming from the produce of our own soil, while the great and the rich are paying about fifty per cent. tax upon their drink, which is the produce of a foreign soil. Every one complains of the mischief of the beer-shops; every one complains of the groups of homeless and houseless young people in the country; every one complains of the increase of crime; every one perceives that these evils have proceeded from the banishment of the young people from the farm-houses: but no one seems to perceive the power which the malt-tax has had in producing that banishment. This malt-tax, therefore, is the first thing to be assailed; and the people should recollect, that their representatives have very little to do with regard to the expenditure of the public money; that their business is to

prevent the money being taken impro- round of the six hundred and fifty-eight perly from the people. No exciseman members, and not get your petition can go into a malt-house without an act presented after all. If a petition is to of Parliament to warrant him in so come from a distance, and does not, todoing. Therefore, it is to their repre-gether with a cover, weigh an ounce, sentatives in Parliament that the people a member's frank brings it postage are to apply, in order to be eased of this burden, and of all other burdens. It is the duty of the members to exert themselves to their utmost to accomplish this purpose; but it is also the duty of the people to second the efforts of those members; and the way for them to second them is, to draw up, to sign as numerously as possible, and to send forward, their petitions to their own members, if they be ready to receive, to present, and to support them; or else to

some other members. The rules con

free. If it be a larger parcel, it ought to be done nicely up, sent by coach, carriage paid, and sent to some member, at his dwelling-place in London or, directed to him, at the House of Commons, where letters or parcels are alway sure to find him.

;

I do beseech my readers well to think of these matters:

is

"A man of words and not of deeds,
"Is like a garden full of weeds ;"

Paper, pen, and ink, are all that are wanted, and a great deal less time and pens than are wasted by almost every life. Let this be borne in mind. man in every twenty-four hours of his sure I shall not have to reproach my I am sensible and public-spirited constituents with a neglect of their duty in this case; and I hope that I shall see the A petition ought not to be a long, rigwhole kingdom follow their example. marole, sentimental thing. words are better than a thousand. A short petition always produces more effect than a long one, unless it be upon a subject so large and so complicated well as of facts. Again, I beg my as to require statements of reasons as readers to bear in mind, that it is upon their conduct, in this crisis, that they have to depend for their happiness.

A hundred

a saying as old, in all probability, as cerning petitions are these; first, a pe-readers to bethink them of it well now. gardens themselves; and I do beg my tition must be on one piece of paper or parchment, or on two or more pieces of paper, pasted together: it must contain no expressions which are seditious, or against the principles of the Christian religion; it must contain no expressions essentially slanderous on individuals, unaccompanied with facts to render such expressions just. It must contain no expressions which are manifestly insulting or disrespectful to the House; and it must contain a proper prayer; that is to say, it must pray for the House to do something which the House can legally do, or to refrain from doing something, from the doing of which it can legally refrain. A petition ought to state no fact which is not strictly true; but that is a matter which must rest with the petitioners themselves: the member who presents a petition is not at all responsible for the truth of its allegations. If a petition have the above attributes, positive as well as negative, any member to whom it is carried and delivered, at a suitable time and in a proper manner, is bound to present it, whether he agree in opinion with the petitioners or not. It it were not thus, the right of petition would be a farce: the right would merely be a right to beg a member to present a petition for you, it being wholly optional 1 TAKE from the Morning Chronicle with him, whether he would present it of this day, 31. Jan. 1833, a short reor not; and, thus, you might go the port of what took place in the Court

court, to be forwarded to any member Nota bene. Any parcels sent to Boltthat is in town, will, if the carriage be paid, be received, and sent to him immediately. But the best way is to dihimself, at the House of Commons, rect the letter or parcel to the member

London.

THE LIBELLERS.

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yesterday, in the case of the BAYNES' | from the ministerial side of the House, went away immediately, and soon afterwards reHouse, but

libel on me; and in the proceedings on which it seems that a necessary formality had not been complied with, which rendered it impossible to proceed upon the rule obtained this term; and this happened too late for a fresh application

to be made before the next term.

. Mr.

CRIMINAL INFORMATION. REX v. BAYNES AND ANOTHER. BAYNES showed cause against the rule, which had been granted on behalf of Mr. Cobbett, against the defendants, for publishing in a Leeds Paper, of which they were supposed to be proprietors, a libel on William Cobbett, Esq., Member for Oldham. He believed it would be unnecessary for him to go into the circumstances, for he contended, that in the affidavits in support of the rule, no sufficient evidence was stated to show that the defendants were proprietors of the paper in question.

The COURT was of that opinion.-Rule discharged.

PROCEEDINGS IN PARLIAMENT.

turned. No announcement was made to the

Mr. HUME rose to ask whether it was the

intention of his Majesty's Ministers to bring in a bill to alter the act for granting an annuity to the late Speaker? That was a subject of great importance.

Lord ALTHORP interrupted the honourable Gentleman. It was against all usage and custom, he believed, to enter upon business. cussion except that for electing the Speaker. They were not entitled to enter into any dis

that opportunity of referring to the election of Mr. HUME proceeded: He would then take the Speaker, and he would call the attention of the House to that subject. That now apreared to him to be a measure of the utmost importance which the House could attend to, and he was well aware that, in doing so, be was undertaking a duty which was personally unpleasant. It was, however, a public duty, and he craved the indulgence of the House while he stated the reasons why it appeared to him especially necessary that the individual elected to that high and confidential situation should enjoy the complete confidence and good opinion of the House and of the country at large. He was aware that it had been customary to make arrangements for the HOUSE OF COMMONS.-Tuesday. election of Speaker by the different parties in The members assembled here in great the House before the actual election, and numbers as early as half-past one o'clock. By that the arrangements for that nomination two o'clock we should suppose that there were met the judgment and the approbation of at least three hundred present, which is a the majority, and that it was a common promuch greater number than we ever remember ceeding for such previous arrangements to to have seen on the first day at the opening of meet the concurrence and be supported by any former Parliament. Possibly the Act for the opinion of the House. On that ground abolishing the oaths to be taken before the it might be considered presumption on Lord Steward might have contributed to this, his part to offer an opinion, and much as no other ceremony seemed to be necessary more when he concluded, as he meant than for members to present themselves and to conclude, by proposing an individual walk into the House. No oaths were taken whom he conceived as capable of filling there, and the members congregated on the the chair with honour, and deserving of the floor, or sat on the benches engaged in con- confidence of the House and the country. It versation. Mr. O'Connell and Mr. Cobbett might be necessary at times to agree to such a were two of the earliest attendants. Mr. Cob-previous arrangement, but it was not proper bett took his seat upon the Treasury bench, on this occasion. They had met under peculiar close between Lord Althorp and the members circumstances; they had met at a time when, for the City of London, who usually sit, on the if ever the public attention was peculiarly first day, on the right of the Speaker's chair. directed to their proceedings, Among the persons present whom we noticed he believed, that on any occasion of which he were-Lord Althorp, Lord John Russell, Sir had read in history. They were bound on the James Graham, Mr. Charles Grant, Mr. Man- part of the country, to elect a man who should ners Sutton, the Attorney-General, and others. not only be capable of performing the ordinary The ministerial side of the House was much duties of Speaker, but who enjoyed the confi crowded. On the opposition benches we saw Sir dence of the majority of the House, and whom R. Peel, Sir R. Inglis, the Marquis of Chandos, the House would be ready to support. He Sir Richard Vyvyan, Mr. Hume, the Messrs. ought, as nearly as possible, to represent the O'Connell and others. Alderman Wood and opinions entertained by the majority of Sir John Key appeared in their robes. At the House. He is frequently called upon half past two o'clock the Gentleman Usher of to inflict censure, or to express approthe Black Rod came and announced that the bation in the name of the House; and Lords, authorised by his Majesty's Commis- he therefore should be by his feelings and sion to open the Parliament, requested the at-opinions connected with the majority of the tendance of the Commons. Lord Althorp and House, or it could not be expected that he the Ministers, with some few other members would do justice to their sentiments and

more so,

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