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years only, at the furthest, to be accounted" the subjects of this realm, than were ever "known before the said clause was enacted; from the day on which, by the writs of summons, the said Parliament shall be appointed "and the said provision, if it should continue, to meet. "may probably, at this juncture, when a IV. And be it further enacted, by the au- "restless and Popish faction are designing thority aforesaid, That this present Parlia- "and endeavouring to renew the rebellion ment shall cease and determine on the first" within this kingdom and an invasion from day of November, which shall be in the year of our Lord one thousand six hundred and ninety-six, unless their Majesties shall think fit to dissolve it sooner.

This act continued in force until the year 1715; that is to say, the first year of the reign of GEORGE the First, who was the first king of the house of Hanover. Then it was that this bargain made with King WILLIAM was cancelled by another act, which stands in the statute book, being chapter 38, 2d statute, of 1st GEORGE the First; and this act is called the SEPTENNIAL BILL, and it stands in the statute book in the following words:

SEPTENNIAL BILL.

AN ACT FOR ENLARGING THE TIME
OF CONTINUANCE OF PARLIAMENTS,
APPOINTED BY AN ACT MADE IN

THE SIXTH YEAR OF THE REIGN OF
KING WILLIAM AND QUEEN MARY,
INTITULED AN ACT FOR THE FRE
QUENT MEETING AND CALLING OF

PARLIAMENTS.

"abroad, be destructive to the peace and the
"security of the Government:" be it enacted,
by the King's Most Excellent Majesty, by
and with the advice and consent of the
Lords spiritual and temporal and Commons
in Parliament assembled, and by the au-
thority of the same, That this present Par-
liament, and all Parliaments that shall at
any time hereafter be called, assembled, or .
held, shall and may respectively have con- |
tinuance for SEVEN YEARS, and no longer,
to be accounted from the day on which, by
the writ of summons, this present Parlia-
ment hath been, or any future Parliament
shall be, appointed to meet, unless this
present, or any such Parliament hereafter
to be summoned, shall be sooner dissolved
by his Majesty, his heirs, or successors."

66

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Now, we have not only these acts before us, but we have the grounds upon which they were passed; and we are have had laid on upon us in consequence smarting under the stripes, which we of the last-quoted act. You see, that the first act was passed, because “frequent and new Parliaments tend very "much to the happy union and good "Whereas in and by an Act of Parliament " agreement between the King and peo"made in the sixth year of the reign of their" ple ;" and I have shown you how they "late Majesties King William and Queen have tended, and how they have preserve "Mury (of ever blessed memory), intituled ed that happy union and good agreement "An Act for the frequent meeting and calling between the Congress of America and "of Parliaments, it was among other things the people of that country. Why, then, "enacted, That from thenceforth no Parlia was this act repealed? Why was that "ment whatsoever, that should at any time act abolished which was made for the "hereafter be called, assembled, or held, purpose of causing "happy union and "should have any continuance longer than " good agreement between King and "for three years only at the furthest, to be" people?" Look at the Septennial Bill, "accounted from the day on which by the and you will see, that the chief ground "writ of summons the said Parliament should was, that these frequent elections might "he appointed to meet. And whereas it has favour the designs of "a restless popish "been found by experience that the said clause faction" to renew the rebellion, and "hath proved very grievous and burdensome, by cause an invasion of the country from "occasioning much greater and more conti-abroad. This was a false and base pre“nued expenses, in order to elections of mem-tence; but, allowing it to have been a "bers to serve in Parliament, and more vio-ground really then existing, does that "lent lasting heats and animosities among ground exist now? You know that it

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does not exist; and that here there is not the smallest pretence in the world for continuing this bill in force.

Another pretence was, that frequent elections were "grievously burdensome" by the "great expenses" which new elections occasioned. So, you see, that bribery, corruption, and boroughmongering, had begun at this time; and this bill was intended to render them less expensive to the boroughmongers. But can this pretence apply NOW, when a bill has been passed to divide the polling places, to confine the polling to two days, and to reduce the expenses of an honourable candidate to next to nothing, even for a county? A rich villain may still squander his money in the bribing and carrying of voters; but there is no need for an honest and honourable man to expend any money worth speaking of. Therefore this pretence is taken away; and, to continue this bill in force now, would be to discover a settled design to coerce the people, and to compel them to submit to acts of injustice.

House of Commons: unable to get the money from the people fast enough in taxes, the King's servants and their Parliaments proceeded to the borrowing of money; a great standing army has been necessary to collect the taxes to pay the interest of their debts; and thus, at last, we find ourselves with three hundred barracks, with a standing army, in time of peace, of a hundred thousand men, and with a debt of eight hundred millions, taking from us, and from our children, the very bread that we ought to have to eat.

What pretence can there be now, then, for the keeping in force of this act, which was clearly and unequivocally an act of daring usurpation? What pretence can there be for keeping this act in force NOW? and yet, Mr. STANLEY is daring enough to tell us, that he and the rest of the King's servants are bound to prevent its repeal! I have heard (for I have not seen it in print), that Mr. SPRING RICE (who is one of the Secretaries of the Treasury, I, believe) told the electors at Cambridge I pray you, to remark on the flagi- that the Septennial Bill was a very tious character of the transaction of this bad thing before the Reform Bill was Septennial Bill. The members of the passed; but that now it would be atHouse of Commons, of that day, had tended with no evil consequences; that been chosen by the people to sit for the Reform Bill having passed, it would three years, and no more: and they, not be necessary, therefore, to repeal the without any new election, without con- Septennial Bill; in short, that the sulting the people in any manner what- Reform Bill required seven-year Parsoever; they, aided by the King and liaments, and that the Septennial Bill by the Lords, CHOSE THEMSELVES was mischievous only before this ReTO SIT FOR FOUR YEARS LON-form Bill was passed. If it be true, that GER; and this, too, in the face of the Mr. SPRING RICE did utter words to Act of Parliament under which they this effect, I greatly fear, that Mr. were assembled, and which Act declared, STANLEY was the true organ of Lord "that frequent and new parliaments GREY himself upon this occasion; and "tend very much to the happy union if so, the people will be roused with in"and good agreement between the dignation from one end of the country "king and people." So unjust, so to the other. But, will my Lord GREY daring, so open, so flagrant, an act as give his countenance to this daring dethis, never was committed before in the claration; and will he, after that, have word; and it has been followed by all the hardihood to look his insulted counthe natural consequences of an act of try in the face? I am sure that he will this character. It soon took from the not. Will HE hold the language that people all real voice in choosing their Mr. SPRING RICE is said to have held representatives: it was immediately at CAMBRIDGE? Will HE say, that followed by a monstrous waste of the the causes of confusion, litigation people's money: the servants of the and expense having been removed, there King soon became the masters of the is now no need to shorten the duration

the

The only question relative to this matter, upon which any doubt is left in my mind, is this: whether Mr. STANLEY were actually authorised by Lord GREY to make this declaration against the rights of the people. That fact will, probably, be ascertained in a very short time; and if it be ascertained that he had Lord GREY's authority, then we may safely assert that the storm is about to begin!

of Parliaments? Will HE say, that the | to maintain himself in place, and at the suffrage having been extended, the no- same time to uphold and perpetuate the mination boroughs having been sup- monstrous usurpation of the Septennial pressed, and the expenses of elections Bill. Upon whatever other point he having been reduced to nearly nothing, may make a successful stand, here he there is no need now of those frequent must give way, or fall prostrate before and new elections which our ancestors the unanimous indignation of deemed to be the means of a happy country. union and good agreement between the King and the people? Will HE say these things? I trust, for the honour of the human frame, that he will not. If, unhappily, he were to be so lost to every sentiment of sincerity and of justice, this insulted people would, with one voice, ask him, Did you not bring in a petition for a reform of the Parliament in 1793? Did you not, in that petition, pray for an extension of the suffrage; pray for a suppression of the To be sure, the servants of the King nomination boroughs; pray for members have so long been in the habit of treatto be given to great towns, which had ing the House of Commons with conthen no members, and additional mem-tempt; the House has been so long bers to the counties; did you not pray for their obedient tool; the members have something to lessen the expenses of elec- so long been accustomed silently to tions; did you not pray for all, and more acquiesce in the notion that the King's than all, that you have provided for in this servants had a right to be able to comREFORM BILL; and did you not, upon mand a majority of the House; that no the supposition that all that should be member had a right to expect a bill to granted, conclude your petition with the pass, unless it were brought in under following prayer, and to that prayer put their protection or sanction; that there the name of CHARLES GREY? was a local situation of distinction in the "And finally to SHORTEN THE DURA- House, which of right belonged to the 66 TION OF PARLIAMENTS, and by re-servants of the King; that it was proper 66 moving the CAUSES OF THAT CON- to address them by the names of their of68 FUSION, LITIGATION, AND EXPENSE, fices, and as superiors of the other mem"with which they are at this day con-bers of the House; that it was presump“ducted, to render frequent and new tion in any other member of Parliament "elections,' what our ancestors, at the to attempt to move in any business of im"revolution asserted them to be, the means of a 'happy union and good 66 agreement between the King and people:' and your petitioners shall ever pray."

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portance, in the absence of these servants of the King; and that, in short, the House of Commons were called together merely for the sake of form, to give a legal sanction to the acts by which the Oh God, no! Lord GREY never can, money was taken out of the pockets of with this staring him in the face, openly the people, and disposed of at the mere give his sanction to Mr. STANLEY'S de- will and pleasure of these servants. claration of war. He will perceive long have these notions prevailed, so that, he had, in his petition of 1793, submissive and so abject has been the prayed distinctly for all the changes demeanour of the House of Commons, which have been made by this Reform that, when one reflects on the matter, Bill; and yet he deemed all that not one is not so much surprised at the enough, without the addition of short- daring temerity of Mr. STANLEY. I ening the duration of Parliaments. It trust, however, that he is destined to is impossible that he can now attempt experience a correction of these nations

to see his arrogance repressed, and that defective as the Reform Bill unquestionably is, it will be found to have drawn together a set of men, a large part of whom will scorn to crouch down and own themselves to be the servants of the servants of the King.

in his mind; I trust that he is destined Amongst the other consequences of the servility of the House of Commons; of this sort of acknowledged superiority in the servants of the King, is, the scandalous practice of the House meeting by night, instead of adhering to its standing orders, and meeting by day. Upon the face of the matter there is something so contrary to reason, so at open war with all the habits and customs of men who have to transact business of importance; there is, in the meeting and sitting by night, something so hostile to all these, that one naturally wonders how the monstrous practice could ever have taken place. But, when we look into the history of the matter, we shall find, that, like the other shameful things which I have mentioned, it has proceeded entirely from the servility of the several Houses of Commons, which have sitten during the last fifty years. The House having become, in fact, the servants of the servants of the King, it soon became to be treated like

To such a state of degradation have we fallen, so completely have we been bereft, bit by bit, of all the principles which were so firmly fixed in the breasts of our ancestors, that the people seemed to have abandoned the idea of the House of Commons being anything other than the mere instruments of the King in the hands of his servants. Even upon subjects of trade, taxes, commerce, and agriculture, where there has been any mitigation or alteration, which any classes of persons deeply interested in these matters, wanted to obtain, they have, for many years, looked upon the House of Commons as having no more influence in such matters, than any equal | number of hackney-coachmen or sca- a mere mass of servants; and as menial vengers. Deputations of opulent men have come up crouching even to the underlings in office; petitions to the Treasury: petitions to the Board of Trade; petitions to Boards of Admiralty, of Taxes, of Excise, of Customs; but no more thinking of petitions to the House of Commons on such subjects; no, not SO much thinking of them, as of petitions to the bastards of the very office-sweepers. What, that ever was heard of amongst men, could be such a libel on the House of Commons, as to see a deputation from the parish of St. JAMES, going, with the two members for the city at their head, to beg the Chancellor of the Exchequer to take off some taxes for them; and to hear him graciously promising, that "his Majesty's Government would take the mat"ter into their serious consideration? seeming to take it for granted, that he and his co-servants had the right and the power to take off taxes at their pleasure! How often have the members for Kent and for Sussex gone creeping to the King's servants, to beg them to postpone the payment of the duty on hops !

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servants are made to wait patiently for the arrival of their masters, so it became the custom of these servants to wait for the arrival of their masters. These masters had other business to perform; that business occupied the daylight; and the masters stood in need of exercise, on horseback, or otherwise: this exercise required day-light also to take it in; and thus a hundred times have I myself seen the divers servants of the King, one after another, taking their ride in the parks, and terminating that ride at the door of the House of Commons, where their servile attendants were waiting for them. Thus, by degrees, growing more and more haughty and more and more insolent, in proportion as the Houses of Commons becam more and more servile, it, at last, came to that odious pass, at which it had arrived when the last Parliament separated, and when the kingdom beheld about three hundred junior noblemen and baronets and other country gentlemen of great estate, sitting in humble waiting for the arrival of the clerks in office, and spending night after night in listening to their contemptible con

tentions; knowing at the same time, course is, a yielding to the just and reathat there was a place for guttling and sonable demands of the people, and boozing and smoking, under the very such a yielding in time.

same roof with themselves; whence, as occasion served, they saw the gorgers and guzzlers come tumbling down to give votes affecting the properties, liberties, and lives, of millions! And, is this mark of servility to continue? Is the new House of Commons to bear this stamp and imprint of degradation? Are the people of this kingdom to see, in the continuation of this shameful

WM. COBBETT.

From the LONDON GAZETTE,

FRIDAY, JAN. 11, 1833.

BANKRUPTCY ENLARGED.

practice, that their interests, that the CHAFFEY, R., Thorncombe, Devon, clothier.

safety of their properties, liberties, and lives, are thus still to be considered as matter of secondary importance, or of no importance at all, compared with the business of the counting-house, the stock exchange, and of the clerks in the several offices?

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EVANS, G., Nicholas-lane, Lombard-street, ship-broker.

GRIST, P., Albany-st., Regent's-park, printer. JONES, W.,Swansea, Glamorganshire, grocer. Oh, no! There can be no peace in LOWE, W., Bishopsgate-st.-without, chemist. this kingdom; there can be no patient ROWE, E., Wigan, Lancashire, innkeeper. waiting under this mass of suffering, STEPHENS, H., Aldersgate-st., stone-mason. SMITH, W., Teddington, baker. unless the people have a thorough con-TILLETT, C., Morden, Surrey, victualler. fidence in the righteous intentions of WINBOLT, B. J., Poultry, stationer. the House of Commons; and that con- WROE, T., Hollinwood, Lancashire, cottonfidence it is impossible that they should spinner. YORKE, J. and G., Cheshunt, Herts, miller. have, unless that House BEGIN by asserting the perfect independence of all its members; by those members proving that they acknowledge no su perior; by coming back to the practices of those times when the Parliaments were independent of the servants of the King; and by resolutely resisting every attempt, however slight or indirect, at aristocratical or regal dictation or interference.

After beholding all this servility for so many years, well may an arrogant man, like Mr. STANLEY, imagine, that he is able to say, beforehand, what the House of Commons shall, and what it shall not, do.

If it were to be the base and cowardly thing which he seems to anticipate, the end, which he appears to have in view, would not, however, be answered. The indignation of the people, in conjunction with the paper-money, would baffle all his expectations, and would soon convince him of that of which Lord GREY ought already to be convinced; that there is now but one course of safety left; and that that

SCOTCH SEQUESTRATION. HUTCHINSON, A., Cupar, Fife, merchant.

TUESDAY, JAN. 15, 1833.

BANKRUPTS.

BULMER, G., York, dealer.
BURTON, E., Manchester, spirit-dealer.
HUDDLESTONE, A., Bilton-with-Harrogate,
Yorkshire, hotel-keeper.
MYERS, M., Birmingham, pawnbroker.
SMITH, W., late of Twickenham, baker.

SCOTCH SEQUESTRATIONS.
CAMERON, D. C., Edinburgh, comb-manuf.
THOMPSON, J., Greenock, auctioneer.

LONDON MARKETS.

MARK-LANE, CORN-EXCHANGE, Jan. 14.We have been well supplied with Essex and Kentish wheats fresh up to this morning's

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