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THORP, for instance, is, in that House, merely a member for Northamptonshire, and that, with propriety, he can be heard or addressed in no other character whatsoever. These servants of the King, being members of the House, have not the smallest claim to any particular seat or bench; they are entitled to no sort of pre-eminence or deference; they are merely members of the House, each of them having a right to speak and to vote, as every other member has; and no other right whatsoever.

"ing yet further the elective franchise, | name, or in virtue of his authority; and or of introducing that which I be- that, as to the House of Commons, it "lieve is falsely styled the protection cannot recognise them in that House as "of the ballot, to those measures, as having any more authority than any "individuals, and as members of the other member or members of the House. "Government, we are bound (and I Either individually or collectively, they announce at once and openly our de- have no right to any precedence there; "termination) to give a decided oppo- they have no claim to any distinction; "sition." as servants of the King, they cannot Mark the arrogant tone here! One even sit there; if they have seats there, would think, that the House of Com-they have them solely in virtue of the mons which is about to assemble, are voice of the people, and not by appointto be merely passive instruments in the ment from the King; that Lord ALhands of a body of persons, who are here called "THE GOVERNMENT:" one would think, that there is no " Government," other than that of these persons; that the Government of" King, Lords, and Commons," which we have been accustomed to talk of, has been always a mere nominal thing; and that it is now, at any rate, become quite obsolete; and that the "Government," in fact, is neither more nor less than that of a single man called a king, who appoints twelve or thirteen persons to carry it on for him. This is what one would think Mr. STANLEY never thought of this upon reading this very arrogant declara- before, I dare say; but I also dare say, tion of Mr. STANLEY, who seems to that he will be taught to think of it, in consider the House of Commons, which due time and place. Viewing these is about to assemble, as of no use what-persons, then, merely as servants of the ever, except to sanction the acts of King, and they are nothing more, this these twelve or thirteen persons, who is pretty language to come from one of are appointed by the King to carry on them. Very pretty for him to proclaim, this strange sort of" Government." Let at once, and openly," that it is their us hope, however, that the coming "determination" to give a decided House of Commons will not lose much opposition" to a repeal of the Septennial time in correcting Mr. STANLEY's no- Bill, and to a regulation for taking the tions as to this matter; that it will very poll by ballot. If this be proper lansoon convince him, that the laws and guage to use, then the House of Comconstitution of England know nothing mons are nothing better than mere pasof any government" other than that sive instruments in the hands of these of "King, Lords, and Commons ;" that twelve or thirteen persons; then the these laws and this constitution know members of the House of Commons, innothing of" CABINET COUNCILS;" no- stead of being the real representatives; thing of" MINISTERS" of Government; instead of being the law-makers for a nothing at all of" His Majesty's Go- great people, are nothing but the servernment;' that these laws and this vants of the servants of one man; the constitution recognise the existence of servants of the servants of the chief no such bodies; that they deem "Lords magistrate, who, himself, has no right of the Treasury, Secretaries of State," to be chief magistrate other than that and so forth, SERVANTS of the King; right which is founded on the same that they call them by no other name; laws, which invest the members of the that they hold them responsible for the House with their representative authoacts which they do in their master's rity. Adopt this idea of Mr. STANLEY;

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call him and his twelve colleagues, | faction; but, not so, generally speak"the government" of the country; then, ing; and there want the additions, an away goes the whole of this frame of opposition to which additions, on the government altogether.. part of the King's servants, Mr. STANLEY announces to us in so authoritative a tone.

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But, now, with regard to the two great points, upon which Mr. STANLEY tells us, that he and his colleagues have Mr. STANLEY says, "that we waived formed so decided a determination, and our opinions, and assented to the bill." which he tells us, they have bound I waived my opinions with regard to themselves to, individually as well as the extent of the suffrage; but, with collectively; with regard to these two regard to the duration of Parliaments, points, let us now see how the matter and the mode of taking the poll, never stands. I will first take the subject of THE did I waive my opinions. He says that BALLOT; and then the subject of SHORT-the bill was consented to upon the ENING THE DURATION OF PARLIAMENTS. "distinct pledge that it should be a Mr. STANLEY says, that the present bill" final measure." I wonder that a was consented to, upon the distinct gentleman, standing in the situation of pledge that it should be a final mea- a candidate for the representation of a "sure." By whom was it so consented county, should so far forget himself; to? He says in another place, that should be, by his apparently fancied there were men, "who were anxious to superiority of power, so far carried 66 have gone further than the bill went; away from all regard for truth, as to "but that, they waived their opinions make this assertion, and in so positive a "and assented to the bill." Now, I think, manner, in the face of the whole kingthat, without incurring the charge of dom, and in open defiance of the notopresumption, I may venture to say, that riety of the contrary! I assented to I come fairly within the description of the bill, certainly, with a "distinct one of these waivers. I myself had pledge;" but not a distinct pledge that promulgated, in a very elaborate man- it should be a final measure; but prener, my plan of reform; and I may say, cisely with a distinct pledge that it that I recommended that manner of should not be a final measure; with a taking the poll, and a registration of the distinct pledge, given by the mover of votes of the electors beforehand, which, the bill himself, that the above two in the operation of the present bill, have great points should be reserved for been found to be so very beneficial. In future discussion. For my part, in the the principle, the main principle, I wish- very first article that I wrote upon the ed to go a great deal further than the bill after its appearance, I expressly bill has hitherto gone: I wished for an stated, that I gave it my assent only on extension of the suffrage to every man condition that the duration of Parliaof full age, of sane mind, and untainted ments and voting by ballot should be by indelible crime, and having had a settled by a repeal of the Septennial local habitation on the voting spot for a Act and an adoption of the ballot, or certain length of time. When the bill that these two points should be reserved appeared, I nevertheless assented to it, for a future and ample discussion in a so far as to say, that I thought it en-reformed Parliament. The latter was titled to a fair and impartial trial; and, preferred by the Parliament: these two still further, that I would, as far as I could contribute towards such an effect, cause it to have such trial; and this I have most faithfully adhered to, though at the risk of displeasing great numbers of very worthy men, on whose "I cannot," he said, "but take notice friendship I set the highest value. As" of some particulars in which, perhaps, far as I am personally concerned, this" this measure will be considered by bill has operated to my perfect satis-" many to be defective. In the first

points were reserved, and expressly reserved, by Lord JOHN RUSSELL when he brought in the bill, as will be seen by the following extract from his speech upon that occasion:

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66 place, there is no provision for the " question of vote by ballot. Sir, there "shorter duration of Parliaments." can be no doubt that that, mode of "(Hear.) That subject has been con- "election has much to recommend it. "sidered by his Majesty's Ministers ; (Cries of No, no, no! Hear, hear.) "but, upon the whole, we thought that" The arguments which I have heard "it would be better to leave it to be" advanced in its favour are as ingenious "brought before the House by any as any that I ever heard on any sub"member who may choose to take it up, "ject. But, at the same time, I am "than to bring it in at the end of a bill" bound to say that this House ought to "regulating matters totally distinct." pause before it gives its sanction to "(Hear.) Without saying, therefore, "that measure." "what is the opinion of his Majesty's Here was the condition upon which I "Ministers respecting that question, gave my support to the bill; and when " which I myself think to be one of the I speak thus in the first person singular, · utmost importance, and to deserve the I do it only for clearness' sake; and utmost care in its decision, we shall meaning, that all that part of the comkeep the large measure of reform, munity who waived their opinions as I "which this bill comprehends, separate waived mine, waived them upon this "from every other question, and leave distinct pledge, that these two great "the subject of the duration of Parlia- matters should be wholly reserved for "ments to be brought before the House future deliberation and decision. Mr. "by some other member at a future time. STANLEY's bold and authoritative as"(Hear, hear.) For my own part, I sertion is, then, not true; but it is the "will only say, that whilst I think it contrary of truth. Whether the King's "desirable that the constituency should servants, emboldened by what they very "have a proper control over their re- erroneously deem a triumph in the elec46 presentatives, it is, at the same time, tions, have changed their views as to "most inexpedient to make the duration these two points, and have determined "of Parliament so short, that the mem- to brave the common sense and common "bers of this House should be kept in spirit of the people, is a matter that I a perpetual canvass, and not be able know nothing about; and this is, be"deliberately to consider and to decide sides, wholly disconnected with the pre"with freedom any great question. sent question. Mr. STANLEY may, per(Hear.) Sir, I do not think it behoves haps, have spoken from himself only, "the people of a great empire to place though that is hardly to be believed, "their representatives in such depend- seeing that he pledges the whole of his 66 ence. (Hear.) What the point then colleagues to one and the same deter "is at which we may fix the proper mined opposition; but be this as it may, "control of the constituency, I do not if such be the determination of the "think it necessary to discuss at pre-King's servants, they have come to their ❝sent. When the question comes under determination very prematurely, very "the consideration of this House, I inconsistently, and have promulgated "shall be ready to deliver my opinion. "I have now only to state, that the King's Government are satisfied that, "in providing a popularly-elected representation, they ought to abstain "from embarrassing that question with any other, which is encumbered with "its own doubts, difficulties, and ob"stacles. (Hear, hear.) There is an"other question, Sir, of which no men"tion is made in this bill, although it at present occupies very much the at"tention of the country-I mean the

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that determination with a degree of hardihood and of indecency never before equalled since the days of PITT and of PERCEVAL, when the members of the House of Commons seemed to be nothing more than so many hired lacqueys to obey the commands of the servants of the King. What! here is a candidate for a seat in the House of Commons, announcing, openly and without reserve, to the nation, that he and his fellow-servants have bound themselves, collectively as well as individually, to

oppose, in the most decided manner, in |ation of the bad passions of men. But the new House of Commons, the two it is a very important regulation; bepropositions which those very servants, cause, in the first place, it secures the when they proposed the bill, expressly peace of elections; it prevents all canreserved for future deliberation and de- vassing, the very sound of which word, cision! I am not learned enough in the as thus applied, is hateful to every law of parliamentary privilege, to say, moral ear; it prevents ill-will and off-hand, whether this be, or be not, a heart-burnings and strife in families, breach of that privilege; whether it be, and amongst neighbours; and, above or be not, a breach of parliamentary all the rest, it is a security to the weak privilege, for the servants of the King against the strong, and to the conscien(paid out of the public money) to ex- tious against the unprincipled and the press, beforehand, their determination cruel. Is it possible to look at the to oppose in the House, certain proposi- bloodshed in Warwickshire and Staftions, if brought before that House: Ifordshire, and many other counties; is am not learned enough to say, whether, it possible to see the pavement stained amongst the precedents, which the pro- with blood, to hear the hideous noises, ceedings on impeachments afford, one, and dreadful imprecations, which have or many, may not be found making it a disgraced several of the late elections ; crime in the servants of the King to en- is it possible to look at, or to think of deavour thus to stifle the voice of the these, without feeling indignant at hearHouse of Commons: to those who are ing the servants of the King forewarning more learned in parliamentary law, I, the coming House of Commons, that for the present, leave the decision as to they will give their determined opposithis point; but certain I am, that the tion; that they have, "individually and world never witnessed a more flagrant collectively, come to the determination" breach of good manners; or a more to oppose the only measure that appears daring insult to any body of persons, calculated to put an end to these disabout to be called together on terms of graceful scenes! Whence have arisen all equality in point of power and freedom the combinations for exclusive dealing; of deliberation. And, if Mr. STANLEY, whence has arisen all the ill-will in and the other servants of the King, have neighbourhoods, which this election taken it into their heads, that they shall will, have left behind it? They have be able to proceed in that tone of arro- come wholly and entirely from a want gant dictation which has here been be- of the ballot. The flagrant and exgun, I venture to assure them, that never ecrable bribery and corruption, which were King's servants so deceived before. we have heard of in some places, would I care not who are the servants of the have been effectually prevented by the King, so that they be not suffered to in- ballot. But, of all the evils arising terfere with the exercise of the rights of from the want of it, none is so great as the Commons in their own House of that power, which the want of the Parliament. ballot gives the rich over the poor, the And, now, with regard, first, to the unprincipled over the conscientious. BALLOT: the ballot is merely a regu-At the conclusion of the election for lation with regard to the manner of tak-the western division of the county ing the votes; and, if the returning offi- of Surrey, Mr. LEECH told us, that cer chose, and if it were not objected to he saw clearly the necessity of the by either of the candidates, or any of the ballot; that melancholy experience electors, that manner of taking the "had convinced him of that necessity; votes might be adopted now, with-" that scores of men had told him, that out any breach of the law. It is they would gladly vote for him, but not, therefore, a principle: it is not that they had been told, that if they a right, as the right of suffrage "did so, such steps would be taken as is it is merely a regulation to prevent evil from arising from the oper

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"would be the ruin of their families; "that several men, who had voluntarily

"and eagerly promised him their votes, where he " took it up." The truth is, "had afterwards begged him to have he saw this account, to which he al"the goodness to excuse them, as they ludes, in one of our own newspapers; in now found, that they and their fami- which, very likely, it had been inserted "lies might be ruined, if they kept their by order of some clerk in office; or, at "word with him." Here the assembled least, by some one living unworthily on people exclaimed, "Shame !"" Shame!" the people's earnings. "The Ballot !" "The Ballot !" After But, as to the matter itself, supposing this he told us, that, in all these cases, the statement to be true. However, I he had told the parties, "Oh! for God's must stop here to observe, that Mr. "sake,don't vote for me! Never mind me; STANLEY here again says what is not "but take care of your families." This all true, respecting the nature of the gohis hearers knew to be in perfect accord-vernment of New York, which he calls ance with the whole history of his long the most democratic in the Union. Now, and benevolent life; but, in proportion to the fact is, that, in the STATE OF NEW their admiration of his disinterestedness YORK, the governor is chosen for two and humanity, was the indignation of his years, the senate for four years, the rehearers at the base conduct of the ty-presentatives for one year, and these rants; and in the same proportion will must all be freeholders; that is to say, be their indignation against the servants they must have a landed qualification of the King, if they shall dare to sanction, by word, or by deed, this audacious threat of their co-servant, Mr. STANLEY. If no other man in the House of Commons were to propose the regulation of the ballot, this member for the western division of Surrey would, I am very sure, be the man to do it; and, will Mr. STANLEY say that Mr. LEECH wants to destroy the constitution? Will he number him amongst those whom he charges with the design of overturning "the institutions of the country?"

to some amount. Whereas, in the State of CONNECTICUT, governors, Senate, and representatives are all chosen ANNUALLY, and there is, in no case, any landed or pecuniary qualification required. So that this very arrogant servant of the King, with all his boldness of assertion, was ignorant upon this subject; or, he said, regarding it, that which he knew to be untrue I will add, here, for the information of my readers, and in defence of that democratic spirit, which this servant of our King seems to hold in such horror, that, of all the States of that famous Union, the State of CONNECTICUT has ever been, and now is, the seat of the most perfect freedom, harmony, easy circumstances, morality, and pure religion.

Mr. STANLEY had, against the ballot, an argument of experience, and one drawn from the United States of America, too." We," said he, "have always "had held out to us the advantages of "the ballot as exemplified in the case "of the United States of America, but But as to the matter, supposing the "not three days since I took up one of allegations to be true; what do they "the most democratic among the Ame-amount to? Why, that, at a recent "rican papers, published in the most de"mocratic city of the Union, New York, "in which they launch forth, with ve"hemence of diction, against the ge"neral abuses which have arisen from "the system of the ballot, and to which they say that nothing can remedy "those abuses unless the legislative "voice look to a reform of that system, "which is the parent of the abuses and "the corruption." Oh! he" took up" an American newspaper, did he! It would be curious enough to know

election, in the city of New York, there were men who put into the ballot-box two or three or four or five ballots instead of one; that a row took place, and that the ballot-boxes were seized and destroyed. And what of this? Why, a punishment provided for those who permitted a man to put in more than one ballot; and an application of the common law (which is the same at NEW YORK as it is at MANCHESTER) to those who were guilty of rioting, and of the act of seizing and destroying the