and they alone, have established manu- | berland as acutely as in Cornwall itself. factories; and that, in short, they are Divers causes have contributed to make aiming to become the rivals of Eng- Englishmen in particular attached ex

land, in commercial tonnage, as well as in manufactured goods.

clusively to their own small country. In all the countries of Europe, except Russia and Switzerland, there may be said to be the patriot-passion in exist

Your Lordship will want nothing more to enable you to perceive that here is a natural division of interests, and of in-ence; but nowhere anything like so terests so powerful, too, as not to be ardent as in this kingdom, and particucounteracted by anything that man can larly in England; and, if it be found to do. The heavy duties imposed by the be more feeble in some of the Scotch Congress upon British manufactured and some of the Irish, the difference has goods, is neither more nor less than so arisen from the unjust colonial, or sort many millions a year taken from the of pro-consular, governments which southern and western states and given have been carried on in those parts of to the northern states, where the effects the kingdom; and, if the Parliament of the unjust boon show themselves in had been wise and just when the legislofty chimneys with thick smoke going lative union with Ireland took place, all out of their tops, in immense buildings the English laws, English courts, Enwith endless windows, in power-looms, glish everything, would have been exin all the appearances of this kind, and tended to both those countries, and the particularly in the establishment of those whole kingdom would have been called deadly and accursed instruments of ENGLAND. I said this at the time usury and monopoly, banks, paper- when the union took place; and I remoney, and accommodation-notes, which commended at the same time that the (as I have told the Americans a thou-established church should be so changed sand times) were the sure forerunners as to leave no part of the kingdom reaof the breaking-up of their Union, or of son to complain: and if this had been the introduction of slavery. done, how diifferent would have been our state at this day!

But, it will be said that, the north and the south and the west are all ONE This patriot-passion, which makes all COUNTRY; that every man in the coun-men, the poor as well as the rich, and try is an American; that we, in England, which I have always seen stronger in do not grumble at a tax, because it the breasts of the poor than in the tends to favour one part of the kingdom breasts of the rich; this passion, strange more than another; and that, though as it may seem, has not the smallest the tariff burden happens to fall upon existence in the United States, with the the southern and western states, they, exception of the states of New England; doubtless, perceive that this burden is namely, Connecticut, Rhode-Island, necessary to the safety and the great- Massachusets, New Hampshire, and ness of the WHOLE country, and that, the little state of Maine; and these therefore, they, considering their coun- people take excellent_care to preserve try as a whole, as we do in this kingdom, their name of New Englanders; and those that bear the tariff burden can they are distinguished from all the other hardly have an objection to it on ac- people of that continent by their induscount of its unequal pressure, seeing try, their intelligence, the neatness of that it is an indirect and impartial tax their houses and their dresses, by their in itself. Ah! my Lord, we must not " steady habits" (their country is called reason in his way: when estimating" the land of steady habits"), by their feelings of this character in America, coolness, their slowness to anger, their we must not take our own country as perseverance, their punctuality in mataffording us an argument of analogy.ters of business, their bravery, and, Here we are one; here every man calls above all things, by their maritime the whole kingdom his home: a wound skill, hardihood, and enterprise. These inflicted on Cornwall is felt in Northum- people have great attachment to coun

1

try: they are the object of envy with and monopoly and every thing included, the rest of the Union, who call them twice as much as they would otherwise Yankees; and this envy is one of the have to pay; and, not being able to distant causes of the strenuous opposi- perceive that they derive any compention to the tariff in the south. The satory advantage from the imposing of great commercial port of New York is, those duties, they have always protested in fact, an appendage to New England. against them. The general government Nine-tenths of the commercial marine very judiciously chose this mode of taxis, I should suppose, the property of the ation; because it was imperceptible, New Englanders. The tariff, your and kept the odious tax-gatherer out of Lordship will perceive, tends to give the sight. As long as the burden was light, northern states a monopoly of tonnage though it was not unheeded, it was as well as of the benefits of manufac-borne without open resistance; but, turing. The southern and western when it was made so heavy as it is states, in estimating the interests of different parts of the country, by no means view those parts as a whole; but look upon the tariff as a robbery of them committed for the benefit of the states of the north.

now; when a coat or a gown was made to cost (monopoly and all) twice as much as it would have cost without the tariff-duties, this was not to be endured without a great deal better reasons than any that could be offered for it. Besides this, the southern and south-western states were the great exporters to England, and they could not fail to perceive that the tariff-duties tended to create a preference to cotton and rice coming from other parts of the world. This was their great market, as well as the great place for supplying their wants in exchange, and, therefore, they could not fail to see that their interests were sacrificed, for the sake of aggrandizing the maritime and manufacturing people of the north.

Besides the manufacturing for sale, the northern states provide themselves with a very large part of their wearing apparel from the truly domestic manufacture of the farm-houses. They spin and weave their own cloth for coats, and the like. I was at a horse-race once in Long Island, at which there were about two thousand men and boys (women in America do not go to such places); and, except about a dozen Englishmen and others that had come up from New York, I did not see one = single person that was dressed in any The American navy too. Circumcloth but home-spun, which is all stances arose to make the Americans nearly of one colour, being a sort of proud of this navy; to cause its great russet-grey. They make their own increase to be approved of, and to make linen for sheeting, for shirting, and for it a favourite with the country; but sacking; they make their own ticking English statesmen ought to know a litfor beds and for mattresses; they pur- tle more about this affair than the flashy chase fineries for the women, but they Mr. Canning seemed to know when he, make their fiannels, their blankets, their after a visit at Liverpool to an American winter gowns, and those other parts of frigate, put forth, at a dinner with an their dress which the extreme delicacy American consul, one of his boardingof this modest age prevents me from school-girl-like figures about the "monaming; but they make their own win-ther and the daughter." This navy, from ter cloaks and their own bonnets of various descriptions.

the laying down of the keel of the very first frigate, was an object of jealousy Now, please to observe that the with the southern states. Its very exsouthern and western states do nothing istence was strenuously opposed by Mr. of this sort; that every thing they want Jefferson, Mr. Maddison, and many in the way of dress must come from other very eminent men; and, it may without; and that they well know be said to have been created by the just that the tariff-duties make them pay indignation of the people of the United for those things, expense of collecting States, at the numerous and wanton

acts of aggression committed by our our independence rest, in some meacruizers on the coast of America, from, sure, upon the will of those foreign naapparently, no other motive than that tions; and will compel us to introduce of rapacity or of insolence, which our a system of taxation incompatible with Government had not the wisdom to our peace and our happiness. And, foresee or the justice to repress. These without a navy capable of coping with acts of aggression, and particularly the Great Britain on the seas, to have a unjust impressment of native American navy at all will only be to treasure up seamen, produced the late war, which for ourselves mortification, and the added seventy millions to our debt, and mockery of the world. yielded us so plentiful a harvest of dis- If these were, and are, the opinions grace. But, a very large part of the of the people in general throughout the solid heads in America have always united states, the southern and westviewed this navy with dislike and very ern states have had particular ground of great suspicion. Jefferson, Maddison, dislike to this navy, in which they have and Others, yielded to the popular cry seen little other than the means of ag produced by the wrongs of the im- grandizing the northern states, and pressed Americans; but they, as well adding to their power over the southern as all the sensible men in the country, and western states; for, in fact, the saw the danger of this captivating be- navy belongs exclusively to the northern ginning of a showy and expensive Go-states, and its great purpose is to pro`vernment. A very sensible man in New tect those interests in which the southYork, standing along with me, and see-ern and western states do not partici ing a little naval youth strut by us both, pate. upright as if he had swallowed a curtain-rod, with a cockaded hat on his head, and a silver-hilted dirk belted round his body, and a couple of yellow tassels upon his shoulders, said, "Ah! there goes one of our defenders." "Well," said I," but they did defend you." To which he replied, that his country wanted no defence but the arms of its farmers; that any other species of defence must put too much power into the hands of the Government; and that, in the end, a standing navy must lead to a standing army; that these must lead to great and permanent taxes, and that these would produce disunion or slavery. I do not hazard going a particle beyond the truth in saying, that this is the opinion of nineteen-twentieths of the proprietors of the land in the United "States, who, adhering to the opinions of Mr. Jefferson, of forty years ago, say, What is the use of a navy, unless we be able by that navy to control the power of Great Britain on the seas; and, to do that, whence are to come the means without loading ourselves with internal taxes enormous? For, to effect our purpose by foreign aid and alliances, 'will involve us in treaties and obligations-prodigiously expensive; will make

Thus, then, my Lord, I have done myself the honour to lay before your Lordship as clear a view as I am able of the real causes of this resistance on the part of South Carolina, the principle of which resistance, you will please to perceive, the President by no means denies to be just, supposing the neces sary degree of oppression to exist. Whether the tariff-laws do amount to that degree of oppression, I leave it to the better judgment of your Lordship to decide; and I will now, in conclusion, respectfully offer you a few observations on my formerly delivered opinions on American manufactures and on the American navy; because, I am awar that you will remember, that I expressed my pleasure at the passing of the heavy tariff-law, and that I repeatedly called upon the Americans to " build ships and to cast cannons." But, these, as touching the old charge of" inconsis tency," and as touching, in a very tender part, the interests and honour of England, is "high matter," and must form, the subject of another letter to your Lordship, from

Your Lordship's most obedient, and most humble servant, WM. COBBETT.

THE SPEAKER.

I was in hopes, that no more would be said about the appointment of the Speaker, until the House should assemble, and make its free choice, unanticipated by anybody; but the Courier -newspaper, of the 15. instant, will not have it thus it will have the matter settled beforehand, as the reader will see from the extract which I make from the Courier of that date:

by, an extraordinary slip of discretion in one of his generation. And he was quite right for would any assembly, actuated by a true economical spirit, award to the possessor of those lord-of-the-bed-chamber qualities, which constitute the utmost amount of his merits, so exorbitant a recompence of 4,000l. a year for two lives? Assuredly the men who now hold the purse-strings of the nation, will form a very different estimate of public servants, and their proper remuneration. Some advantage may be taken by surprise, upon the House of Commons commencing its functions; but Ministers would do well to pause, ere they commit We understand that it is finally and con- themselves, by proposing to the acceptance of clusively arranged that the Right Hon. Charles such an Assembly, such a President. It may Manners Sutton will be proposed and supported be that he will be indignantly rejected by the by the Ministry for the office of Speaker of the sober, practical, earnest-minded men, who Dew House of Commons. We imagine that will justly require in the individual to whom the communications made upon this subject they shall commit the guidance of their delito Mr. Manners Sutton will of course proceed berations, and control of their proceedings, from Lord Althorp, as the recognised minis- a love of country, a wisdom, a diguity, a libeterial leader in the House of Commons; and rality and elevation of mind not to be found in we believe that the motion for the appointment a retainer of an old boroughmongering conof Mr. Manners Sutton will, in like manner, nexion. If it be that the injudicious praises in conformity to the established practice, be lavished upon Mr. Sutton by Lord Althorp› made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. It place the Government under any difficulty in is scarcely possible to anticipate that any oppo- resisting his pretensions, it would be our counsition will be attempted to the re-election of sel that the matter should be left to the discretion Mr. Manners Sutton to this post, the duties of of the House; nor do we think that so to act which he has proved himself by laborious exwould be in any degree to cede the proper perience pre-eminently qualified to discharge.hend that in this, and in many other particufunctions of an administration, for we appreBefore I proceed further, let me in-iars, the old plan of managing the House is sert what Dr. BLACK says upon this sub- at an end. We expect to see it frequently ject, in answer to the Courier: controlling the measures of Ministers, spurn Notwithstanding the authoritative state-ing altogether that species of dictation to ment of the Courier of last night, we cannot which it has been hitherto subjected, and aspersuade ourselves that Ministers will be suming a great visitatorial jurisdiction over all guilty of the lacheté of proposing an inveterate the operations of the executive. It has been Tory, in the person of Mr. Sutton, for the one of the great misfortunes of our past frame. chair of the first reformed House of Commons, of Government, that the House of Commons more especially after his having taken leave was obliged to take measures and Ministers of the House in a formal speech recorded on in the lump; implicitly acquiescing in every the Journals, and secured his retired allowance act of the men in office for the time being, or upon the old extravagant scale from an unre-discarding them altogether, and taking to its formed Parliament. The transaction has ery much the air of an intrigue, displaying, its success, no little cunning on the part of ne Tories; and casting upon the Whigs the mputation of great gullibility and imbecility they sacrificing two old and faithful assopiates, Mr. Abercromby and Mr. Littleton, to hom they were bound by every tie of party honour, and the elevation of either of whom must have been agreeable to a majority of the new House. Mr. Manners Sutton himself labours under no such misapprehension of the probable dispositions towards a person like bim of a body of representatives, chosen, as Lâcheté means base cowardice; and the members of the new Parliament have that is not the name for it. The right been, by the free suffrages of the people; for name is insolent impudence, in proif we are not much misinformed, he has not claiming beforehand what the House of hesitated to assign his mistrust of a reformed Commons shall do. It is a second› Parliament, as the reason why he sought to have the matter of his pension arranged by chapter of STANLEY AND Co.

confidence a set of people diametrically opposite. This is now over. We shall have no more threats of resignation on the least check or resistance on the part of the House; and · that false party pride which prompted the resignation of a Minister under such circumstauces, will no longer deprive the country of the services of men in the main useful and well meaning, although standing in need, as all buman agents must, of occasional control and correction.

It is a

an unreformed one; the avowal being, by-the-newspaper-editor saying that the King's

our independence rest, in some measure, upon the will of those foreign nations; and will compel us to introduce a system of taxation incompatible with our peace and our happiness. And, without a navy capable of coping with Great Britain on the seas, to have a navy at all will only be to treasure up for ourselves mortification, and the mockery of the world.

pate.

acts of aggression committed by our cruizers on the coast of America, from, apparently, no other motive than that of rapacity or of insolence, which our Government had not the wisdom to foresee or the justice to repress. These acts of aggression, and particularly the unjust impressment of native American seamen, produced the late war, which added seventy millions to our debt, and yielded us so plentiful a harvest of dis- If these were, and are, the opinions grace. But, a very large part of the of the people in general throughout the Solid heads in America have always united states, the southern and westviewed this navy with dislike and very ern states have had particular ground of great suspicion. Jefferson, Maddison, dislike to this navy, in which they have and others, yielded to the popular cry seen little other than the means of agproduced by the wrongs of the im- grandizing the northern states, and pressed Americans; but they, as well adding to their power over the southern as all the sensible men in the country, and western states; for, in fact, the saw the danger of this captivating be- navy belongs exclusively to the northern ginning of a showy and expensive Go-states, and its great purpose is to provernment. A very sensible man in Newtect those interests in which the southYork, standing along with me, and see- ern and western states do not partici ing a little naval youth strut by us both, upright as if he had swallowed a curtain-rod, with a cockaded hat on his head, and a silver-hilted dirk belted round his body, and a couple of yellow tassels upon his shoulders, said, "Ah! there goes one of our defenders." "Well," said "but they did defend you." To which he replied, that his country wanted no defence but the arms of its farmers; that any other species of defence must put too much power into the hands of the Government; and that, in the end, Ca standing navy must lead to a standing army; that these must lead to great and permanent taxes, and that these would produce disunion or slavery. I do not hazard going a particle beyond the truth in saying, that this is the opinion of nineteen-twentieths of the proprietors of the land in the United States, who, adhering to the opinions of Mr. Jefferson, of forty years ago, say, What is the use of a navy, unless we be able by that navy to control the power of Great Britain on the seas; and, to do that, whence are to come the means without loading ourselves with internal taxes enormous ? For, to effect our purpose by foreign aid and alliances, will involve us in treaties and obligations prodigiously expensive; will make

༤.

Thus, then, my Lord, I have done myself the honour to lay before your Lordship as clear a view as I am able of the real causes of this resistance on the part of South Carolina, the principle of which resistance, you will please to perceive, the President by no means denies to be just, supposing the neces sary degree of oppression to exist. Whether the tariff-laws do amount to that degree of oppression, I leave it to the better judgment of your Lordship to decide; and I will now, in conclusion, respectfully offer you a few observations on my formerly delivered opinions on American manufactures and on the American navy; because, I am aware that you will remember, that I expressed my pleasure at the passing of the heavy tariff-law, and that I repeatedly called upon the Americans to "build ships and to cast cannons." But, these, as touching the old charge of“ inconsistency," and as touching, in a very tender part, the interests and honour of England, is "high matter," and must form the subject of another letter to your Lordship, from

Your Lordship's most obedient,
and most humble servant,
WM. COBBETT.