tates, and even to the preservation of the will doubtless always secure to it a liberal and Inion itself, that the protection afforded efficient support. But beyond this subject we y existing laws to any branches of na- have already seen the operation of the system ons industry should not exceed what productive of discontent. In some sections of: play be necessary to counteract the the Republic its influence is deprecated as gulations of foreign natious, and to tending to concentrate wealth into a few cure a supply of those articles of manufac-hands, and as creating tho e germs of dependre, essential to the national independence ad safety in time of war. If, upon investition, i shall be found, as it is believed it ill be, that the legislative protection granted any particular interest is greater than is inspensably requisite for those objects, I remmend that it be gradually diminished, and at, as far as may be consistent with these jects, the whole scheme of duties be reduced the revenue standard, as soon as a just gard to the faith of the Government and to e preservation of the large capital invested establishments of domestic industry will

rmit.

ence and vice which in other countries have characterized the existence of monopolies and proved so destructive of liberty and the general good. A large portion of the people in one section of the country declares it not only inexpedient on these grounds, but as disturbing the equal relations of property by legislation, and therefore unconstitutional and unjust.

Doubtless these facts are in a great degree exaggerated, and may be ascribed to a mistaken view of the considerations which led to the adoption of the tariff system; but they are nevertheless important in enabling us to review the subject with a more thorough knowledge of all its bearings upon the great interests of the Republic, and with a determination to dispose of it so that none can with justice complain.

That the manufactures adequate to the pply of our domestic consumption would, in e abstract, be beneficial to our country, ere is no reason to doubt; and to effect eir establishment there is, perhaps, no Ame- It is my painful duty to state that in one can citizen who would not for awhile be quarter of the United States opposition to the illing to pay a higher price for them. But revenue laws has arisen to a height which r this purpose it is presumed that a tariff of threatens to thwart their execution, if not to gh duties, designed for perpetual protection, endanger the integrity of the Union. Whatis entered into the minds of but few of our ever obstructions may be thrown in the way atesmen. The most they have anticipated is of the judicial authorities of the general Gotemporary and generally incidental protec-vernment, it is hoped they will be able peaceon, which they maintain has the effect to ably to overcome them by the prudence of duce the price by domestic competition their own officers and the patriotism of the low that of the foreign article. Experience, people. But should this reasonable reliance, wever, our best guide on this, as on other on the moderation and good sense of all porbjects, makes it doubtful whether the ad- tions of our fellow-citizens be disappointed, it ntages of this system are not counter-is believed that the laws themselves are fully lanced by many evils, and whether it does t tend to beget in the minds of a large porn of our countrymen a spirit of discontent d jealousy dangerous to the stability of the ion. What, then, shall be done? Large interests ve grown up under the implied pledge of r Datural legislation, which it would seem a lation of public faith suddenly to abandon. In conformity with the principles heretofore thing could justify it but the public safety, explained, and with the hope of reducing the ich is the supreme law; but those who general Government to that simple machine e vested their capital in manufacturing which the constitution created, and of withablishments cannot expect that the people drawing from the States all other influence 1 continue permanently to pay high taxes than that of its universal beneficence in pretheir benefit when the money is not re- serving peace, affording a uniform currency, ired for any legitimate purpose in the ad- maintaining the inviolability of contracts, nistration of the Government. Is it not diffusing intelligence, and discharging unfelt ough that the high duties have been paid as its other superintending functions, I recomg as the money arising from them could be mend that provision be made to dispose of all lied to the common benefit in the extin-stocks now held by it in corporations, whether shment of the public debt?

Those who take an enlarged view of the dition of our country must be satisfied it the policy of protection must he ultitely limited to those articles of domestic Laufacture which are indispensable to our ety in time of war. Within this scope, on easonable scale, it is recommended by every asideration of patriotism and duty, which

adequate to the suppression of such attempts as may be immediately made. Should the exigency arise rendering the execution of the existing laws impracticable from any cause whatever, prompt notice of it will be given to Congress, with the suggestion of such views and measures as may be deemed necessary to meet it.

created by the general or state Governments, and placing the proceeds in the Treasury. As a source of profit these stocks are of little or no value; as a means of influence among the States, they are adverse to the purity of our institutions. The whole principle on which they are based is deemed by many unconstitutional, and to persist in the policy which they indicate is considered wholly inexpedient.

It is my duty to acquaint you with an ar-lands, which involve the rights of the new rangement made by the Bank of the United States, and the powers of the general GovernStates with a portion of the holders of the ment; and unless a liberal policy be now 3 per cent. stock, by which the Government adopted, there is danger that these questions will be deprived of the use of the public funds may speedily assume an importance not now longer than was anticipated. By this arrange- generally anticipated. The influence of a ment, which will be particularly explained by great sectional interest, when brought into the Secretary of the Treasury, a surrender of full action, will be found more dangerous to the certificates of this stock may be postponed the harmony and union of the States than any until October, 1833; and thus the liability of other cause of discontent, and it is the part the Government after its ability to discharge wisdom and sound policy to see its approaches, the debt may be continued by the failure of and endeavour, if possible, to counteract them. the Bank to perform its duties.

Such measures as are within the reach of the Secretary of the Treasury have been taken to enable him to judge whether the public deposits in that institution may be regarded as entirely safe; but as his limited power may prove inadequate to this object, I recommended the subject to the attention of Congress, under the firm belief that it is worthy of their serious investigation. An inquiry into the transactions of the institution, embracing the branches as well as the principal banks, seems called for by the credit which is given throughout the country to many serious charges impeaching its character, and which, if true, may justly excite the apprehension that it is no longer a safe depository of the money of the people.

of

Of the various schemes which have been hitherto proposed in regard to the disposal of the public lands, none has yet received the entire approbation of the national legislature. Deeply impressed with the importance of a speedy satisfactory arrangement of the subject, I deem it my duty on this occasion to urge it upon your consideration, and to the propositions which have been hitherto suggested by others to contribute those reflections which have occurred to me, in the hope that they may assist you in your future deliberations.

It seems to me to be our true policy that the public lands shall cease as soon as practicable to be a source of revenue, and that they be sold to settlers in limited parcels at a price barely sufficient to reimburse to the United States the expense of the present system and Among the interests which merit the consi- the cost arising under our Indian compacts. deration of Congress after the payment of The advantages of accurate surveys and unthe public debt, one of the most import- doubted titles, now secured to purchasers, ant, i my view, is that of the public seem to forbid the abolition of the present lands. Previous to the formation of our pre-system, because none can be substituted which sent constitution, it was recommended by will more perfectly accomplish those imCongress that a portion of the waste lands portant ends. It is desirable, however, that owned by the States should be ceded to the in convenient time this machinery be with United States, for the purpose of general har- drawn from the States, and that the right of mony, and as a fund to meet the expenses of soil and the future disposition of it, be sur the war. The recommendation was adopted, rendered to the States respectively in which it

and at different periods of time the States of Massachusetts, New York, Virginia, North and South Carolina, and Georgia, granted their vacant lands for the uses for which they had been asked. As the lands may now be considered as relieved from this pledge, the object for which they were ceded having been accomplished, it is in the discretion of Congress to dispose of them in such way as best to conduce to the quiet, harmony, and general interest of the American people. In examining this question, all local and sectional feelings should be discarded, and the whole United States regarded as one people, inte

lies.

the West, besides contributing their equal The adventurous and hardy population of share of taxation under our impost system, have in the progress of our Government, for the lands they occupy, paid into the Treasury a large proportion of forty millions of dollars, and of the revenue received therefrom, but s small part has been expended amongst them When, to the disadvantage of their situation in this respect, we add the consideration tha it is their labour alone which gives real valu to the lauds, that the proceeds arising fro their sale are distributed chiefly among

State

rested alike in the prosperity of their common which had not originally any claim to them and which have enjoyed the undivided emolu

country.

It cannot be doubted that the speedy lands ment of these lands constitutes the true inte- it cannot be expected that the new States wi rests of the republic. The wealth and strength remain longer contented with the prese of a country are its population, and the best policy after the payment of the public de part of that population are the cultivators of To avert the consequences which may be a the soil. Independent farmers are every prehended from this cause, to put an end fo where the basis of society and true friends of ever to all partial and interested legislation liberty. this subject, and to afford to every America In addition to these considerations, ques-citizen of enterprise the opportunity of s tions have already arisen, and may be ex- curing an independent freehold, it seems pected hereafter to grow out of the public me, therefore, best to abandon the idea

ising a further revenue out of the public ids.

unless they shall first procure from the States such an amendment of the constitution as whil defiue its character and prescribe its bounds. If the States feel themselves competent to these objects, why should this Government wish to assume the power? If they do not, then they will not hesitate to make the grant. Both Governments are the Governments of the people, and if the money can be collected and applied by those more simple and economical political machines, the State Governments, it will unquestionably be safer and better for the people than to add to the splendour, the patronage, and the power of the general Government. But if the people of the several States think otherwise, they will ameud the constitution, and in their decision all ought cheerfully to acquiesce.

In former messages I have expressed my nviction that the constitution does not warat the application of the funds of the general vernment to objects of internal improveent which are not national in their charac, and both as a means of doing justice to interests and putting an end to a course of islation calculated to destroy the purity of Government, have urged the necessity of lucing the whole subject to some fixed and rtain rule. As a period, perhaps, never will cur more propitious than the present to the complishment of this object, I beg leave to ess the subject again upon your attention. Without some general and well-defined nciples, ascertaining those objects of interI improvement to which the means of the tion may be constitutionally applied, it is vious that the exercise of the power can ver be satisfactory. Besides the danger to ich it exposes Congress of making hasty propriations to works of the character of ich they may be frequently ignorant, it omotes a mischievous and corrupting influce upon elections, by holding out to the ople the fallacious hope that the success of certain candidate will make navigable their ighbouring creek or river, bring commerce their doors, and increase the value of their >perty. It thus favours combinations to dauder the treasure of the country upon a altitude of local objects, as fatal to just islation as to the purity of public men. If a system compatible with the constitua cannot be devised which is free from ch tendencies, we should recollect that the trument provides within itself the mode of This campaign has evinced the efficient amendment, and that there is, therefore, organization of the army, and its capacity for excuse for the assumption of the doubtful prompt and active service. Its several departvers by the general government. If those inents have performed their functions with ich are clearly granted shall be found in-energy and dispatch, and the general moveapetent to the ends of its creation, it can at ment was satisfactory. time apply for their enlargement; and Our fellow-citizens upon the frontiers were re is no probability that such an applica- ready, as they always are, in the tender of 1, if founded on the public interest, will their services in the hour of danger; but a r be refused. If the property of the pro- more efficient organization of our militia ed grant be not sufficiently apparent to system is essential to that security which is mand the assent of three-fourths of the one of the principal objects of all governments. ses, the best possible reason why the power Neither our situation nor our institutions reald not be assumed on doubtful authority quire or permit the maintenance of a large refforded; for if more than one-fourth of the gular force. History offers too many lessons of es are unwilling to make the grant, its the fatal result of such a measure not to warn rcise will be productive of discontents us against its adoption here. The expense which Ich will far overbalance any advantages attends it, the obvious tendency to employ it > could be derived from it. All must admit because it exists, and thus to engage in unne#there is nothing so worthy of the constant cessary wars, and its ultimate danger to public eitude of this Government as the harmony liberty, will lead us, I trust, to place our prinunion of the people. cipal dependance for protection upon the great Being solemnly impressed with the convic-body of the citizens of the republic. If in assertthat the extension of the power to make ing rights or in repelling wrongs war should ernal improvements beyond the limit I come upon us, our regular force should be ine suggested, if it be deemed constitutional, creased to an extent proportioned to the emerabversive of the best interests of our coun-gency, and our present small army is a nuI earnestly recommend to Congress to re- cleus around which such force should be n from its exercise in doubtful cases, except formed and embodied. But for the purposes elation to improvements already begun, of defence under ordinary circumstances we

For a detailed and highly satisfactory view of the operations of the war department I refer you to the accompanying report of the Secretery at War.

The hostile incursions of the Sac and Fox Indians, necessarily led to the interposition of the Government. A portion of the troops under Generals S. ot and Atkinson, and of the militia of the state of Illinois, were called into the field. After a barassing warfare, prolonged by the nature of the country and by the difficulty of procuring subsistence, the Indians were entirely defeated, and the disaffected band dispersed or destroyed. The result has been creditable to the troops engaged in the service. Severe as is the lesson to the Indians, it was rendered necessary by their unprovoked aggressions; and it is to be hoped that its impression will be permanent and salutary.

must rely upon the electors of the country; | of these Indians remains unchanged, as do those by whom, aud for whom, the Goveru- my views communicated in my message to ment was instituted and is supported, will the Senate of February, 1831. constitute its protection, in the hour of danger, as they do its check in the hour of safety.

But it is obvious that the militia system is imperfect. Much time is lost, much uunecessary expense incurred, and much public property wasted, under the present arrangement. Little useful knowledge is gained by the musters aud drills as now established, and the whole subject evidently requires a thorough examination. Whether a plan of classification remedying these defects, and providing for a system of instruction might not be adopted is submitted to the consideration of Congress. The constitution has vested in the general Government an independent authority upon the subject of the militia, which renders its action essential to the establishment or improvement of the system; and I recommend the matter to your consideration, in the conviction that the state of this important arm of the public defence requires your attention.

I am happy to inform you, that the wise and humane policy of transferring from the eastern to the western side of the Mississippi the remnants of our aboriginal tribes, with their own consent, and upon just terms, has been steadily pursued, and is approaching, I trust, its consummation. By reference to the report of the Secretary at War,, and to the documents submitted with it, you will see the progress which has been made since your last session in the arrangement of the various

matters connected with our Indian relations.

With one exception, every subject involving any question of conflicting jurisdiction, or of peculiar difficulty, has been happily disposed of, and the conviction evidently gains ground among the Indians, that their removal to the country assigned by the United States for their permanent residence, furnishes the only hope of their ultima e prosperity.

I refer you to the annual report of the Secretary of the Navy, which accompanies this message, for a detail of the operation of that branch of the service during the present year.

Besides the general remarks on some of the transactions of our navy, presented in the view which has been taken of our foreigu relations, I seize this occasion to invite to your notice the increased protection which it has afforded to our commerce and citizens on distant seas, without any augmentation of the force in com mission. In the gradual improvement of its pecuniary concerns, in the constant progress in the collection of materials suitable for use during future emergencies, and in the con struction of vessels and the buildings necessary to their preservation and repair, the present state of this branch of the service exhibits the fruits of that vigilance and care which are so indispensable to its efficiency. Various new suggestions contained in the annexed re port, as well as others heretofore submitted to Congress, are worthy of your attention; but none more so thau that urging the renewal for another term of six years of the general ap propriation for the gradual improvement of the navy.

From the accompanying report of the Postmaster-General, you will also perceive that his department continues to extend its usefulness without impairing its resources or lessening the accommodation which it affords in the secure and rapid transportation of the mail.

I beg leave to call the attention of Congress to the views heretofore expressed in relation to the mode of choosing the President and Vice-President of the United States, and t those respecting the tenure of office generally Still impressed with the justness of thos views, and with the belief that the modifica tions suggested on those subjects, if adopted will contribute to the prosperity and harmon With that portion of the Cherokees, how-of the country, I earnestly recommend thes ever, living within the State of Georgia, it has to your consideration at this time. been found impracticable as yet, to make a satisfactory adjustment. Such was my anxiety to remove all the grounds of complaint, and to bring to a termination the difficulties in which they are involved, that I directed the very liberal propositions to be made to them which accompany the documents herewith submitted. They cannot but have seen in these offers the evidence of the strongest committed. It may happen again, as it disposition on the part of the Government to deal justly and liberally with them. An ample indemuity was offered for their possessions, a liberal provision for their future support and improvement, and full security for their private and political rights. Whatever difference of opinion may have prevailed respecting the just claims of these people, there will probably

I have heretofore pointed out defects the law for punishing official frauds, esp cially within the district of Colombia. has been found almost impossible to bri notorious culprits to punishment, according to a decision of the Court this district, a prosecution is barred by lapse of two years after the fraud has be

already happened, that during the whole years all the evidences of the fraud may be the possession of the culprit himself. Ho to private citizens, it would seem that it ou ever proper the limitation may be in relati not to commence running in favour of pub officers until they got out of office. The judiciary system of the United Sta be none respecting the liberality of the propo- remains imperfect. Of the nine western a sitions, and very little respecting the expedi-southern States three only enjoy the benefi

ency of their immediate acceptance. They a circuit court.

Ohio, Kentucky, and were, however, rejected, and thus the position nessee are embraced in the general syste

but Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Alabama, Mis-ized in our example, but that it is done by a issippi, and Louisiana, have only district machinery in government so simple and ecocourts. If the existing system be a good one, nomical as scarcely to be felt. That the Alvhy should it not be extended? If it be a bad mighty Ruler of the universe may so direct ne, why is it suffered to exist? The new our deliberations and overrule our acts as to States were promised equal rights and equal make us instrumental in securing a result so privileges when they came into the Union, and dear to mankiud, is my most earnest and sinuch are guarantees of the constitution. No- cere prayer. hing can be more obvious than the obligation Dec. 4. ANDREW JACKSON. of the general Government to place all the States on the same footing in relation to the administration of justice, and I trust this duty will be neglected no longer.

On many of the subjects to which your atention is invited in this communication, it is 1 source of gratification to reflect that the steps o be now adopted are uninfluenced by the mbarrassments entailed upon the country by he wars through which it has passed. In egard to most of our great interests, we may consider ourselves as just starting in our caeer, and, after a salutary experience, about to ix on a permanent basis the policy best calulated to promote the happiness of the peole and facilitate their progress towards the most complete enjoyment of civil liberty. On an occasion so interesting and important in our history, and of such anxious concern to the friends of freedom throughout the world, it is our imperious duty to lay aside all selfish and ocal considerations, and be guided by a lofty spirit of devotion to the great principles on

which our institutions are founded.

That this Government be so administered as to preserve its efficacy in promoting and securing these general objects should be the only im of our ambition, and we cannot, thereore, too carefully examine its structure, in rder that we may not mistake its powers, or Assume those which the people have reserved o themselves or have preferred to assign to ther agents. We should bear constantly in aind the fact that the considerations which aduced the framers of the constitution to withhold from the general Government the ower to regulate the great mass of the busiess and concerns of the people, have been ally justified by experience; and that it canot now be doubted that the genius of all our stitutions prescribes simplicity and economy s the characteristics of the reform which is et to be effected in the present and future xecution of the functions bestowed upon us y the constitution.

Limited to a general superintending power > maintain peace at home and abroad, and to rescribe laws on a few subjects of general inerest, not calculated to restrict human liberty ut to enforce human rights, this Government ill find its strength and its glory in the faithal discharge of these plain and simple duties. telieved by its protecting shield from the fear f war and the apprehension of oppression, the ree enterprise of our citizens, aided by the itate sovereignties, will work out improvenents and ameliorations which cannot fail to lemonstrate that the great truth that the people can govern themselves is not only real