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to pretend that the passage from CICERO had thority, among lawyers, and in Chap. 10 of anything at all to do with the matter. He this book, in which the law describes what knew well that it had not; he knew that constitutes a BURGLAR, or house-breaker, CICERO contemplated no case of extreme and the punishment that he shall suffer necessity for want of food or clothing; but, (which is that of death), there is this passage: he had read PUFFENDORF, and PUFFENDORF Those are to be deemed burglars who fehad told him, that CICERO's was a question "loniously, in time of peace, break into of the mere conveniences and inconveniences" churches or houses, or through walls or of life in general; and not a question of "doors of our cities or our boroughs; with pinching hunger or shivering nakedness."the exception of children under age, and BLACKSTONE had seen his fallacy exposed by "of poor people who for hunger enter to PUFFENDORF; he had seen the misapplication" take any sort of victuals of less value than of this passage of CICERO fully exposed by "twelve pence ; PUFFENDORF; and yet the base court sycophant trumped it up again, without mentioning PUFFENDORF's exposure of the fallacy! In short this BLACKSTONE, upon this occasion, as upon almost all others, has gone all lengths; has set detection and reproof at defiance, for the sake of making his court to the government by inculcating harshness in the application of the law, and by giving to the law such an interpretation as would naturally tend to justify that harshness.

and except idiots and "mad people, and others that cannot com"mit felony." Thus, you see, this agrees with the Mirrour of Justices, and with all that we have read before from these numerous high authorites. But this, taken in its full latitude, goes a great length indeed; for a burglar is a breaker-in by night. So that this is not only a taking, but a breaking into a house in order to take! And observe, it is taking to the value of twelve pence; and twelve pence then was the price of a couple of 41. Let us now cast away from us this in- sheep, and of fine fat sheep too; nay, twelve sincere sycophant, and turn to other law pence was the price of an ox, in this very authorities of our own country. The Mirrour reign of Edward the First. So that, a hungry of Justices (quoted by me in paragraph 11), man might have a pretty good belly-full in chap. 4, section 16, on the subject of arrest those days without running the risk of punishof judgment of death, has this passage. ment. Observe, by-the-by, how time has "Judgment is to be staid in seven cases here hardened the law. We are told of the dark "specified; and the seventh is this: in PO- ages, of the barbarous customs, of our fore"VERTY, in which case you are to dis- fathers; and we have a SIR JAMES MACKIN"tinguish of the poverty of the offender, or TOSH to receive and to present petitious in"of things; for if poor people, to avoid fa- numerable, from the most tender-hearted "mine, take victuals to sustain their lives, or creatures in the world, about "softening the "clothes that they die not of cold (so that criminal code ;” but, not a word do they ever "they perish if they keep not themselves say about a softening of this law, which now "from cold), they are not to be adjudged to hangs a man for stealing the value of a "death, if it were not in their power to have RABBIT, and which formerly did not hang bought their victuals or clothes; for as much as him till he stole the value of an OX? Curious "they are warranted so to do by the law of na- enough, but still more scandalous, that we "ture." Now, my friends, you will observe, should have the impudence to talk of our that I take this from a book which may al- humanity, and our civilization, and of the most be called the EIBLE of the law. There barbarousness of our forefathers. But, if a is no lawyer who will deny the goodness of part of the ancient law remain, shall not the this authority; or who will attempt to say whole of it remain ? If we hang the thief, that this was not always the law of England. still hang the thief for stealing to the value 42. Our next authority is one quite as au- of twelve pence; though the twelve pence thentic, and almost as ancient. The book now represent a rabbit instead of an ox; if goes by the name of BRITTON, which was we still do this, would BLACKSTONE take the name of a Bishop of Hereford who away the benefit of the ancient law from edited it, in the famous reign of EDWARD the starving man? The passage that I have THE FIRST. The book does, in fact, contain quoted is of such great importance as to this the laws of the kingdom as they existed at question, that I think it necessary to add, that time. It may be called the record of here, a copy of the original, which is in the the laws of Edward the First. It begins thus, old Norman-French, of which I have given "Edward, by the grace of God, King of the translation above. "Sunt tenus bur"England and Lord of Ireland, to all his " gessons trestons ceux, que felonisement "liege subjects, peace,and grace of salvation."" en temps de pees debrusent esglises ou The preamble goes on to state, that people" auter mesons, ou murs, ou portes de nos. cannot be happy without good laws; that "cytes, ou de nos burghes; hors pris en-. even good laws are of no use unless they be" fanntz dedans age, et poures, que, pur feyn, known and understood; and that, therefore," entrêt pur ascun vitaille de meindre value the king has ordered the laws of England" q' de xii deners, et hors pris fous nastres, thus to be written and recorded. This book" et gens arrages, et autres que seuent nule is very well known to be of the greatest au- "felonie faire.'

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in the days of the DRUIDS, such barbarity as that of putting men to death, or of punishing them for taking to relieve their hunger, was never thought of. In the year 1811, the Rev. PETER ROBERTS, A. M., published a book, entitled Collectunea Cambrica. In the first volume of that book, there is an account of the laws of the ANCIENT BRITONS. Hume, and other Scotchmen, would make us believe, that the ancient inhabitants of this country were a set of savages, clothed in skins and the like. The laws of this people were collected and put into writing, in the year 694 before Christ. The following extract from these laws shows, that the moment civil so

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43. After this, lawyers, at any rate, will not attempt to gainsay. If there should, however, remain auy one to affect to doubt of the soundness of this doctrine, let them take the following from him who is always called the "pride of philosophy" the " pride of English learning," and whom the Poet Pope calls the greatest and wisest of mankind." It is Lord Bacon of whom I am speaking. He was Lord High Chancellor in the reign of James I.; and, let it be observed, that he wrote those "Law Tracts," from which I am about to quote, long after the present poor-laws had been established. He says (Law Tracts, p. 55) The law chargeth no man with default "where the act is compulsory and not volun-ciety began to exist, that moment the law "tary, and where there is not consent and took care that people should not be starved to "election; and, therefore, if either there be death. That moment it took care, that proan impossibility for a man to do otherwise, vision should be made for the destitute, or "or so great a perturbation of the judgment that, in cases of extreme necessity, men were "and reason, as in presumption of law to preserve themselves from death by taking "man's nature cannot overcome, such neces- from those who had to spare. The words of "sity carrieth a privilege in itself. Necessity these laws (as applicable to our case) given "is of three sorts: necessity of conversation by Mr. ROBERTS, are as follows:- There "of life; necessity of obedience; and neces- are three distinct kinds of personal indivi"sity of the act of God or of a stranger. "dual property, which cannot be shared with "First, of conversation of life; if a man "another, or surrendered in payment of fine; steals viands (victuals) to satisfy his present "viz.-a wife, a child, and argyfrew. By the "hunger, this is no felony nor larceny." "word argyfrew is meant, clothes, arms, or 44. If any man want more authority, his heart the implements of a lawful calling. must be hard indeed; he must have an un- "without these a man has not the means of commonly anxious desire to take away by the "support, and it would be unjust in the law to halter the life that sought to preserve itself"unman a man, or to uncall a man as to his against hunger. But, after all, what need" calling." TRIAD 53. "Three kinds of had we of any authorities? What need had"THIEVES are not to be punished with DEATH. we even of reason upon the subject? Who "1. A wife, who joins with her husband in is there upon the face of the earth, except" theft. 2. A youth under age. And 3. One the monsters that come from across the chan-"who, after he has asked, in vain, for support, nel of St. George; who is there upon the face" in three towns, and at nine houses in each of the earth, except those monsters, that" town." TRIAD 137. have the brass, the hard hearts and the brazen faces, which enable them coolly to talk of the "MERIT" of the degraded creatures, who, amidst an abundance of food, amidst a "superabundance of food," lie quietly down and receive the extreme unction, and expire with hunger! Who, upon the face of the whole earth, except these monsters, these ruffians by way of excellence; who, except these, the most insolent and hard-hearted ruffians that ever lived, will contend, or will dare to think, that there ought to be any force under heaven to compel a man to lie down at the door of a baker's and butcher's shop, and expire with hunger! The very nature of man makes him shudder at the thought. There want no authorities; no appeal to law books; no arguments; no questions of right or wrong: that same human nature that tells me that I am not to cut my neighbour's throat, and drink his blood, tells me that I am not to make him die at my feet by keeping from him food or raiment of which I have more than I want for my own preservation.

45. Talk of barbarians, indeed; talk of "the dark and barbarous ages.” Why, even

46. There were, then, houses and towns, it seems; and the towns were pretty thickly, spread too; and, as to "civilization" and "refinement" let this law relative to a youth under age be compared with the new orchard and garden law, and with the tread mill affair and new trespass law.

47. We have a law, called the VAGRANT ACT, to punish men for begging. We have a law to punish men for not working to keep their families. Now, with what show of justice can these laws be maintained? They are founded upon this: the first, that begging is disgraceful to the country; that it is degrading to the character of man, and, of course, to the character of an Englishman; and, that there is no necessity for begging, because the law has made ample provision for every person in distress. The law for punishing men for not working to mantain their families is founded on this, that they are doing wrong to their neighbours; their neighbours, that is to say, the parish, being bound to keep the family, if they be not kept by the man's labour; and, therefore, his not labouring is a wrong done to the parish. The same may be said with regard to the punishment for ot

maintaining bastard children. There is good reason for these laws, as long as the poorlaws are duly executed; as long as the poor are duly relieved according to law; but, unless the poor-laws exist; unless they be in fall force; unless they be duly executed; unless efficient and prompt relief be given to necessitous persons, these acts, and many others approaching to a similar description, are acts, the character of which it is not necessary to describe.

48. The law of this country is, that every man, able to carry arms, is liable to be called on, to serve in the militia, or to serve as a soldier in some way or other, in order to defend the country. What, then, the man has no land; he has no property beyond his mere body, and clothes, and tools; he has nothing that an enemy can take away from him. What justice is there, then, in calling upon this man to take up arms and risk his life in the defence of the land: what is the land to him? I say, that it is something to him; say, that he ought to be called forth to assist to defend the land; because, however poor he may be, he has a share in the land, through the poor-rates; and if he be liable to be called forth to defend the land, the land is always liable to be taxed for his support. This is what I say my opinions are consistent with reason, with justice, and with the law of the land; but, how can MALTHUS and his silly and nasty disciples; how can those who want to abolish the poor-rates or to prevent the poor from marrying; how can this at once stupid and conceited tribe look the la bouring man in the face, while they call upon him to take up arms, to risk his life, in defence of the land? Grant that the poor-laws are just; grant that every necessitous crea ture has a right to demand relief from some parish or other; grant that the law has most effectually provided that every man shall be protected against the effects of hunger and of cold; grant these, and then the la which compels the man without house or land to take up arms and risk his life in defence of

THE following is the letter to which I have alluded before. I received it from Manchester the day before yesterday; and the reader may rely upon the correctness of his statements. The writer is a rich man; a man by no means influenced by political heats and animosities; full as "respectable and intelligent" as any of the heroes of Dr. BLACK. With the insertion of this letter, I shall have done justice as far as I am able to the town of Manchester, towards which town I entertain feelings of great respect and gratitude; and having done it this justiee, I shall leave POULETT THOMSON and his bunch of PRIGS, to creep about the world in that obscurity to which they are destined by reason as well as by nature.

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TO THE RT. HON. C. P. THOMSON. SIR,-Allow me to express my chathe country, is a perfectly just law: but deny grin, not only for the manner in which to the necessitous that legal and certain re- you were received by the public on Monlief of which I have been speaking; abolishday last, but also for the manner in the poor-laws; and then this military service law becomes an act of a character such as defy any pen or tongue to define. What! hang a man, if he refuse to take up arms to defend the land of his birth; and tell him, at the same time, that he has no right to be upon, and to have a a living out of, that land Yet, this is what he is, in fact, told by those who deny his right, in case of need, to receive the means of sustaining life. This is such a daring insult to common sense; such savage outrage on all the natural feelings of the human breast, that, whenever attempted to be acted upon, it must, in the end, produce the overthrow of the tyrant, or tyrants, who

shall make the attempt.

WM. COBBETT.

which you have been treated by those individuals who undertook to carry your election. I do not here mean to impugn the motives which induced those individuals to propose you as a candidate for this borough, or yours, in either not explicitly publishing your principles, views, and intentions, when so proposed, or in not a coming forward personally and doing so, far less do I intend to dip my pen in their ink, imitate their scurrility, and abuse you for having acceded to their request in now coming forward to fulfil the pledge they had given to the public, that you

would substantiate everything they had affirmed concerning your principles. My intention alone in addressing you at this time, is to expose the underhand and surreptitious manner in which you were dragged before the meeting last Monday (and, as I understand, against your will), and why you were received so uncourteously by the public, as also the insolent manner in which they have treated the public. I have taken every means to ascertain the truth, and did I not believe the following to be a fair statement of facts, and the conclusion deduced from these facts to be correct, I would not have intruded upon your notice.

say, if it really was an open meeting, and if it was composed of what is called the public,-I say No; and after you have read what follows, you will say No also.

These individuals caused a vast number of election cards to be procured, on which one of the clique wrote his initials. But what could be the use of all that vast number of tickets you exclaim, when it was told you it was to be a public meeting; you must bear in mind that the meeting was to be unanimous in your favour, and how could that be gained, if your opponents were to be admitted; but you were told it was to be a public meeting after a very few of your friends had obtained favourable seats, therefore few tickets So one

It had been represented to you by the deputation, that you were called upon by a very large majority of the cousti-would be required you say. tuency (I use your own words), that the would think; but the very opposite was public were unanimous in your favour, the case. These vast numbers of cards and that at the meeting alluded to, you were divided into two parts, one of which would be received in the most flat was given to Mr. Phillips's committee, tering manner. That everything and the other to your own, for distribuwould appear as had thus been repre- tion, that those only who were favourable sented to you, these individuals used to you might obtain admission. It every artifice which persons who are was also intended that the number perfect in the art of deception well of these should have been such know how to employ. You will please as to completely fill the room before to bear in mind, that you were to have the doors were opened to the public, so addressed the public (so ran the pledge), that when you arrived everything might and in that address you were to have con- have the appearance as had been reprefirmed all which these individuals had sented to you, and as if the public had said concerning your principles. It been admitted in the usual way; if it was to have been a public meeting; was so, you can well-judge, but you that is to say, the doors of the room seemed by what you said, to have been were to be opened at a certain time, disappointed; but mark ye, I do not which time was to have been half-past | intend to implicate all your committee twelve; and at that hour the room was in this low artifice, it entirely rests with to be taken possession of by the public; a few. It was intended that the public that is to say, that those who voted for should be excluded; but, alas, how often you, those who voted against you, are the best-concerted schemes rendered those who had no vote at all, and those abortive, from circumstances over which who were indifferent whether you even the most cunning and far-sighted were elected or not, were to take have no control! Several individuals possession of the room at that hour, to hear you fulfil the pledge which those individuals, &c.; and, according to custom, ask you such questions as they might think would better elucidate your principles. Let us now see if such were the case. If the meeting was such as one would naturally expect from the oft-repeated pledges, that is to

opposed to you in politics, and well known to be so, called or sent to your committee-room for tickets of admission, but were refused; thus being made aware of the manner in which the meeting was to be got up, they were determined to frustrate it. Soon after a placard appeared on the walls, informing the public that the doors would be

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open at twelve o'clock. This, however, ment of fruition; at length you yourself did not suit the views of your commit- arrived and became a witness of what tee, who soon after posted up, in front passed afterwards; and if after you have of the Exchange, a placard, informing read and judged, and are not disgusted, the public that it was not your intention I will only say-no, I will not say what of addressing them until Thursday. I would think of you, I will let you Mark the equivocation and dissimula- judge of that. We now approach the tion. But the public were not to be so denouemeat. It must surely have been deceived; the motives of the clique intended that the doors should be open were now completely unveiled, and the for the public before you came to meet public were now determined to gain them; what did you think when you admittance, if possible, before the meet- perceived them as fast as bolts and bars ing was packed; they therefore became could make them-when you were made very vociferous in their calls that the aware of the fact by the repeated calls doors should be opened, but they were of for the keys from those inside, and the no avail. And here let me tell you, thunderings of those outside the doorwhatever your committees may say when you saw Dyer, who for the first to the contrary, that it was not the was made aware of the disagreeable rabble who did so, but a mixture situation in which he was now placed of all classes; however, they need with regard to yourself, by such an not have been so impatient, as we shall oversight of the underlings to whose see by-and-by. At half-past twelve care had been committed the manageo'clock the door by which a few of ment of packing the meeting, and who your friends were to be admitted, that seemed to hug themselves in the idea they might accommodate themselves that they had managed excellently well more advantageously for hearing, in keeping out your opponents? But was now thrown open, when the rush they overshot the mark, and became of both the privileged and unprivi- Marplots. You ought to excuse them; leged became tremendous; it is in- it was well intended on their part, aldeed past description; but so determined were those of your committee who had now got inside, that none but those who were favourable to you should be admitted; even although by doing so, endangered the lives of dozens, they would only allow one at a time to enter; and it was evident they had succeeded pretty well, for in about half an hour the room was three-quarters fill-one pocket and then into the other, till ed with such, about 50 excepted, who either had been able to procure tickets, or had passed in the crowd. The time of your appearance now approached, the room was not full, what now was to be done, your friends seemed quite at a loss-the public without ignorant that there was so much spare room, kept thundering at the other door, whilst the few who had got inside, as it were by a miracle, kept calling out for the keys to open it; but that would never do, as the clique were loath, after all their placarding, manoeuvring, abusing of others, and pledging,-that the plot should be spoiled just in the mo

though I doubt not they have been by this time heartily taken to task by those pots of precious ointment, Dyer and Co. What did you think, I ask you, when you saw Dyer dancing about the platform like a hen on a hot gridiron, shifting first from one foot, and then to the other, asking for the keys from all around him, pushing his hand first into

his fidgeting was at last put an end to
by one of the underlings or Marplots,
pulling them from his breeches pocket,
just as a miser would his purse to a
highway robber? At length, in about
ten minutes from the time you entered
the doors were opened, and in rushed
the indignant public,-and good cause
had they to be so from the manner
they have been treated from first to
last. In your address, or rather your
apology for not addressing them, you
said (as near as I could hear from the
astounding noise), "you did not expect
"to meet such an assembly as that be-
fore
had been led to ex-
you; that you

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