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'fire to the villages: and then returned to Ptolemais.' At this very time, as Josephus adds in the same paragraph, the Jews found means to destroy about two thousand Syrians at Berytus, and near it, Cestius being at a distance.

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• Now Cestius himself marched from Ptolemais, and came to Cæsarea; and then sent part of his army before him to Joppa; who coming suddenly upon that people, who were prepared neither for flight nor for their own defence, slew them all with their families, and then 'plundered and burnt the city. The number of the slain were eight thousand and four hundred. • In like manner he sent a number of horse into the toparchy of Narbata, not far from Cæsarea, who slew many of the inhabitants, plundered their goods, and set fire to the villages.'

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Now also Cestius sent Gallus, commander of the twelfth legion, into Galilee, where he slew more than two thousand.'

Gallus then returned to Cæsarea, and Cestius moved with his whole army and came to Antipatris. Thence he set forward to Lydda, where he found the place empty of men, the people being gone up to Jerusalem upon account of the feast of Tabernacles. However, he found there fifty men, whom he slew, and burnt the city, and then marched onward; and going up by Bethoron, he pitched his camp at Gaba, fifty furlongs from Jerusalem.'

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The Jews, seeing the war approaching to their metropolis, relying upon their numbers, 'went out to fight in a hasty and disorderly manner, even in the time of the festival. But the

rage which made them forget their religion did also make them superior to their enemies. "Cestius with his whole army was in danger. Five hundred and fifteen of the Romans were 'slain, whilst the Jews lost only two-and-twenty. The most valiant of the Jews were Monobazus, • and Kenedæus, related to Monobazus king of the Adiabenes. Next to them were Niger of Peréa, and Silas of Babylon, who had deserted from king Agrippa to the Jews, and Simon son of Gioras, to be hereafter often mentioned. After that the Jews retired into the city. Cestius staid there three days.'

At this time Agrippa with the consent of Cestius sent to the Jews two ambassadors, Borcæus and Phoebus, men well known to them, with assurances of plenary forgiveness from Cestius if they would lay down their arms and submit. But the Jews would not so much as ⚫ receive the ambassadors. Phoebus they fell upon, and slew him, before he had spoken a word. Borcæus too was wounded: but he retreated and escaped.'

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Soon after that Cestius moved forward with his whole army, and encamped upon an elevated 'spot of ground called Scopos, [signifying the prospect or watch-tower.] Here he rested three days. On the fourth day, which was the thirtieth of October, he brought his army into the city. The seditious,' as Josephus calls them, were much terrified, and retired from the suburbs to the inner part of the city and the temple. Cestius soon set fire to the place called Bezetha, or the new city, and to the wood-market. After which he came forward to the upper 'part of the city, and pitched his camp over against the royal palace. And if at that time he ⚫ had attempted to make his way within the walls by force, he would have won the city presently • and put an end to the war at once. But Tyrannus Priscus, a general in the army, and many ' officers of the horse, who had been corrupted by Florus, diverted him from that design; which ' was the occasion that this war lasted so long, and the Jews were involved in such grievous 'calamities.'

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So writes Josephus. And afterwards he says: If Cestius had continued the siege a little longer he had certainly taken the city. But God, as I think, for the wickedness of the people abhorring his own solemnities, suffered not the war to come to an end at that time.'

"Cestius" then withdrew from the city. The Jews resumed courage, and went after him; and coming upon his rear, destroyed a good number both of horse and foot. That night Cestius lay at his former camp, Scopos. As he went farther off the next day, he even invited his 'enemies to pursue him. The Romans suffered greatly. Among the slain were Priscus, commander of the sixth legion, Longinus, a tribune, and Æmilius Secundus, commander of a troop of horse. It was not without a great deal of difficulty that they got to Gabao, their former camp, and leaving behind their baggage. There Cestius staid two days, and was in 'great perplexity how to proceed. On the third day he judged it expedient to move.' That he might march on with the greater expedition, he threw away every thing that

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might retard his march.

He killed the mules, and the other beasts, excepting only such as ⚫ carried weapons of war; which the Romans kept for their own use, and that they might not fall into the hands of the Jews to be afterwards employed against them. In that march they ◄ met with such difficulties that the Jews were near taking the whole army of Cestius prisoners; ⚫ and would have effected it if night had not come on.'

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In their flight they left behind them many engines for sieges, and for throwing stones, and a great part of their other instruments of war. The Jews pursued them as far as Antipatris, and then returned, taking up the engines, spoiling the dead bodies, and gathering up the prey which the Romans had left behind them. So they came back to their metropolis with great rejoicings. They lost but a few men themselves. But they had slain of the Romans and their auxiliaries five thousand and three hundred foot, and three hundred and eighty horse. These things happened on the eighth day of November, in the twelfth year of the reign of Nero.'

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• After that calamity had befallen Cestius,' says Josephus, many of the most considerable of the Jewish people forsook the city, as men do a sinking ship.'

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And it is very likely that at this time many of the Christians also withdrew from Jerusalem and Judea. Eusebius says that before the war began the Christians left Jerusalem, and went to a place beyond Jordan called Pella. Epiphanius speaks to the like purpose. Eusebius does not quote any ancient author for what he says: but it might be founded upon tradition, and such as could be relied upon. As he resided near the place he might have satisfactory information of it, and receive the account from the descendants of those Jewish believers.

However, some of them may have gone abroad into the other countries. St. John, as is well known, lived for some time in Asia. When he came thither we cannot say exactly; but probably in the year of Christ 66, or sooner. Some of the Jewish believers might go with him out of Judea, or come to him into Asia afterwards. St. John, in his third epistle, ver. 6, speaks of "strangers" who were under difficulties. Some learned men have supposed that thereby are meant Jewish believers, who had been driven out of Palestine, or had fled from it, induced thereto by the necessity of the times and their fidelity to Christ, and had left their substance behind them.

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I think we may reckon it to be certain, or at least highly probable, that none of the faithful disciples of Jesus were shut up in Jerusalem at the siege: and that most of them left it some while before it began, in the year of Christ 66, or thereabouts, or sooner.

Our blessed Lord, speaking of the difficulties of these times, and of the declensions of some of his followers, encourages faithfulness in strong terms: Mark xiii. 13. "And ye shall be hated of all men for my namesake; but he that shall endure unto the end shall be saved." And Luke xxi. 17-19. "And ye shall be hated of all men for my namesake; but there shall not an hair of your head perish. In your patience possess ye your souls." And compare Matt. x. 21, 22. These gracious assurances were now fulfilled. The difficulties which the followers of Jesus met with were very great; and the "love of many waxed cold," and some apostatized to Judaism, to avoid sufferings: nevertheless they gained nothing by it. They joined themselves to the unbelieving part of the nation, and had part with them in the heavy calamities which befell them. But the faithful followers of Jesus, who were steady to their profession, and attended to his predictions concerning coming calamities, and observed the signs of their near approach, escaped, and obtained safety, with only the lesser difficulties of a flight, which was necessary in the time of a general calamity.

The Jews, who had defeated Cestius, upon their return to Jerusalem, appointed governors and commanders for several places. Joseph, son of Gorion, and Ananus the high priest, were chosen to govern the city, and to repair the walls. Josephus, son of Matthias, our historian, was made governor of both the Galilees. Others were sent to other places.

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Cestius sent messengers to Nero in Achaia, to give him an account of what had happened, and of the state of affairs in Judea, and to lay the blame of all the disturbances upon Florus.

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Nero, as Josephus says, was not a little moved at these things, though he dissembled his concern. However, he chose for a general a man of known valour and experience in war, several of whose important services are here mentioned by Josephus, agreeably to the testimony of the Roman authors, who represent Vespasian to have been chosen for this service out of regard to his merit, when upon some accounts he was disagreeable to Nero.

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Vespasian sent his own son Titus from Achaia, where he then was, to Alexandria, to fetch thence the fifth and tenth legions. Himself having crossed the Hellespont, went by land into Syria, where he gathered together the Roman forces, and a good number of auxiliaries from the neighbouring princes.

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The Jews, elevated by the advantages which they had gained over Cestius, determined to carry the war to a greater distance. Accordingly they marched to Ascalon, a city always at enmity with them, distant from Jerusalem five hundred and fifty furlongs; [more than sixty miles.] Here the Jewish people were defeated in two attacks, losing more than eighteen thousand men, and two of their generals, John the Essene, and Silas the Babylonian. Niger the Periate, the third general, narrowly escaped with his life.

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Vespasian, when he arrived at Antioch, the metropolis of Syria, reckoned the third city of the Roman empire for magnitude and dignity, found there Agrippa waiting for him: and taking the whole army with him he soon marched forward to Ptolemais.

Titus, making greater expedition than could have been expected, especially in the winter season, came to his father at Ptolemais, bringing with him the fifth and tenth legions: to which were added the fifteenth legion, and eighteen cohorts. There were also five cohorts from Cæsarea, with one troop of horse, and also five other troops from Syria. There was also a considerable number of auxiliaries from the kings Antiochus [of Comagene] and Agrippa, and Seleucus, and Malchus the Arabian. So that the whole arms of Romans and auxiliaries, horse and foot, amounted to about sixty thousand men, beside servants, whom Josephus represents as far from being useless, according to the Roman discipline.

Thus we have pursued the history to the end of the year 66, and into the beginning of the year 67.

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Vespasian staid some while at Ptolemais. However Placidus, who was before sent into Galilee, destroyed many whom he met with in the open countries. He also made an attack upon Jotapata, but was repulsed.

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Vespasian leaves Ptolemais, and marcheth with his army in great order into Galilee.

The first place taken by Vespasian was Gadara, which at that time had in it few men of a military age. But he slew all the young people: the Romans, from hatred of the Jews, and resenting the defeat of Cestius, having no mercy on any age. He also set fire to the city, and burnt all the villages and smaller towns round about; making some totally desolate, in others taking some captives.

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Josephus leaves Tiberias, and enters Jotapata on the twenty-first day of May.

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The next day Vespasian marches to Jotapata, at the siege of which he received a slight wound in one of his feet.

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Whilst Vespasian lay with his army before Jotapata, he sent Trajan, commander of the tenth legion, to Japha, not far off. The place was strong and surrounded by a double wall. A

a De B. J. 1. 3. c. i. sect. 1, 2.

Missu Neronis, Vespasianus fortunâ famâque, et egregiis ministris, &c. Tacit. Hist. L. v. cap. 10.

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Claudio principe, Narcissi gratiâ legatus legionis in Germaniam missus est; inde in Britanniam translatus, tricies cum hoste conflixit.- Peregrinatione Achaïca inter comites Neronis, cum, cantante eo, aut discederet sæpius, aut præsens obdormisceret, gravissimam contraxit offensam. Prohibitusque non contubernio modo, sed etiam publicâ salutatione, secessit in parvam ac deviam civitatem, quoad latenti, etiamque extrema metuenti, provincia cum exercitu oblata est. Percrebuerat Oriente toto vetus et constans opinio, esse in fatis, ut eo tempore Judæâ profecti rerum potirentur. Id, de Imperatore Romano (quantum eventu postea patuit) prædictum, Judæi ad se trahentes, rebellarunt; cæsoque præposito, legatum insuper Syriæ consularem suppetias ferentem, raptà aquilâ fugaverunt. Ad hunc motum comprimendum cum

exercitu ampliore, et non instrenuo duce, cui tamen tuto tanta res committeretur, opus esset, ipse potissimum delectus est; et, ut industriæ expertæ, nec metuendus ullo modo ob humilitatem generis ac nominis. Additis igitur ad copias duabus legionibus, octo alis, cohortibus decem, atque inter legatos majore filio assumto, ut primum provinciam attigit, proximas quoque convertit in se; correctâ statim castrorum disciplinâ: uno quoque et altero prælio tam constanter initio, ut in oppugnatione castelli lapidis ictum genu, scuto sagittas aliquot exceperit. Sueton. Vespasian. c. iv.

De B.J. 1. 3. c. i. sect. 3.
d Ib. c. ii. sect. 1, 2, 3.

f Ib. c. iv. n. 2.
h Ib. n. 2, 3.
k Sect. 3.

n Ib. sect. 31.

e Ibid. sect. 4.

s L. 3. c. vi. 1.

i Cap. vii. 1.

m Ib. sect. 22.

1 Ib. 4.

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large number made a sally upon the Romans. Being beaten back they retired within the outer wall: but when they came to the inner wall, their fellow-citizens refused to admit them, lest the Romans should also force their way in with them. And now,' says Josephus, it might be seen that God had given up the Galileans to the Romans to be destroyed by their 'cruel enemies. The number of the slain in the distress between the two walls, was twelve thousand. Of this Trajan gave information to Vespasian, desiring him to send his son Titus thither, that he might have the honour of completing the conquest.'

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Vespasian, suspecting there might still be some difficulty, sent Titus with five hundred horse and a thousand foot. When the place was taken all the people, young and old, were destroyed. None were saved excepting the male infants and the women, who were made 'slaves. The number of those who were slain now, and in the former attack, were fifteen thousand. The prisoners were two thousand a hundred and thirty. This calamity befell the 'Galileans on the five-and twentieth day of May.'

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At the same time the Samaritans got together in a riotous manner at mount Garizim. Whereupon Vespasian sent against them Cerealis, commander of the fifth legion, with six • hundred horse, and three thousand foot; who slew them all, to the number of eleven thousand and six hundred. This happened on the twenty-fifth day of the month of June.

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Now the final attack was made upon Jotapata, which was taken after a siege of forty-seven days. All of every age were slain, except infants and women. The captives were a thousand and two hundred. The number of slain in the last attack, and in the former encounters, was forty thousand. Vespasian ordered the city to be demolished, and set fire to all the castles. Thus Jotapata was taken on the first day of July, in the thirteenth year of the reign of Nero.

I think it may be worth the while to observe here, for shewing the violent and desperate disposition of the Jewish people at this time, that in the distress of the last attack, when the Romans were got within the walls of Jotapata, many of the people made away with themselves, rather than come into the hands of the Romans. Josephus calls them chosen men, who 'were near his person: they could not kill the Romans; and they resolved not to be killed by

⚫ them.'

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Undoubtedly my readers recollect here what was taken notice of formerly, which happened presently afterwards, in the cave where Josephus and forty other persons of distinction had hid themselves. And several other like instances may appear hereafter, as we proceed in this history, which ought not to pass unnoticed.

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Josephus now came into the hands of the Roman general. He was still a prisoner, and carried a chain: but he had change of apparel given him, and was otherwise well used.

The siege of Jotapata being over, on the fourth of July Vespasian returned to Ptolemais. Thence he went to Cæsarea by the seaside. Here he put two legions, for some while, for their refreshment; but sent the tenth and fifth to Scythopolis, that Cæsarea might not be overburdened.

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In the mean time he sent some of his soldiers, both horse and foot, to Joppa. Which, though it had been domolished not long since by Cestius, was repeopled by men who had escaped from other cities. Here they built many ships, and exercised a kind of piracy. Upon the approach of the Romans, they betook themselves to their ships, which met with a violent storm, and were cast away. The number that perished was computed to be four thousand and two hundred. Here also some, rather than be drowned, or be cast on the shore, and then be killed by the Romans, put an end to their own lives. The place was now entirely demolished. However, by Vespasian's direction, a number of horse and foot were left here, with orders to destroy the neighbouring villages. So those troops overrun the country, as they were ordered, and laid waste the whole region.'

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In a short time Vespasian went from Cæsarea before mentioned, to Cæsarea Philippi, to pay

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a compliment to king Agrippa, by whom he had been invited, and by whom he was now entertained twenty days.

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Hearing of the revolt of Taricheas, Vespasian sent thither his son Titus. Taricheas ' was a strong place, and had been fortified by Josephus. The number of people who perished in the several attacks, and in taking the city was six thousand and five hundred.

After which Vespasian sat on his tribunal to consider what should be done with the people that remained. And at length by his order all the old men, and other useless people, to the number of twelve hundred, were slain. Out of the young men he chose six thousand of the strongest, whom he sent to Nero to work at the Isthmus. The rest he sold for slaves, who were in number thirty thousand and four hundred. This was done on the eighth day of September.

d

The place to which Vespasian went was Gamala. Where he met with great difficulties, and many of the Romans were slain. It was taken at last on the twenty-third day of October. When there was no way of escaping left, many Jews threw their children, their wives, and themselves, from the hill on which the citadel was built, into the deep valley below. The number of those who thus precipitated themselves was computed to be five thousand. The rest amounted to four thousand. For here the Romans spared none, not even infants. None escaped except

two women.

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To Gischala Vespasian sent Titus: here about six thousand were slain. But John, son of Levi, who had commanded in the place, escaped and got to Jerusalem, with some others: which, as our historian says, was the work of God, who saved John for the destruction of Jerusalem.

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Thus,' says Josephus, was all Galilee subdued, after it had cost the Romans much ' labour.'

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The next chapter of our author contains an account of the state of things in Jerusalem after John came into it. Where he likewise says: Where he likewise says: At the same time there were disturbances and civil wars in every city. And all they who were quiet from the Romans, turned their hands ' one against another. At this time robbers, and others of the worst characters, came into the city, where it had been long usual to receive all who came: but their numbers consumed those provisions, which might have been of use in a siege.'

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They now exercised tyranny over the most considerable men. Antipas, a man of royal lineage, the most potent man in the city, to whom the care of the public treasure had been committed, they laid hold of, and sent to prison: and after him Levias, a man of great distinction, and Sophas, son of Raguel, a man of like eminence, and both of royal lineage. And 'not thinking themselves safe whilst they were living, they sent some men, of desperate characters, to put them to death in the prison.

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Dissensions increasing, there were slain in one night eight thousand and five hundred ; and afterwards twelve thousand of the better sort, beside many others. Here also are mentioned by name, as put to death by the zealots, or others, divers men of great eminence, whose deaths our historian laments in pathetic terms: Ananus, the most ancient of the high-priests; Jesus, also high-priest, inferior to Ananus, but yet a person of great eminence; and Zacharias, son of Baruch; different from Zacharias mentioned in Matt. xxiii. 35, and Luke xi. 51, as was shewn in another place.

Soon after this, was put to death by the zealots, Gorion, a man of great eminence for his own virtues, as well as upon account of his family, nor did Niger, the Peraite, escape their hands, though he had been so serviceable to them in this war. When they were killing him, he uttered this imprecation upon them-that, beside the war, they might undergo famine and 'pestilence, and after that come to the mutual slaughter of each other. All which imprecations God ratified against those wicked men. And most justly did they soon after reap the fruit of

'their madness in their mutual dissentions.'

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