expectation of enjoying, should peace take place. We have a greater trade with the whole continent of America than we ever had. The trade to Brazil, which it will be our own fault if we do not participate in, will be an immense acquisition. The trade to the West India islands, including that to Hispaniola, which out of great respect to the French Government we have relinquished, is much more valuable, and would be more beneficial than ever it was at any former period. The trade to the East Indies is of very great importance; and the whole of Asia and Africa are still open to the enterprise of our countrymen. Part of the Mediterranean and part of the Baltic are in the same situation. To the British European islands, and most of the continent of Europe, it is true, we are differently circumstanced. In going to the former there is some risk, on account of French cruisers, and so it may be in the West India islands; but in my opinion the remedy is easy and we ought not to hesitate. The latter ought to be prohibited until justice is the only rule among nations, and the law of nations is something more than a dead letter. But at all events it would be infinitely better for our country to let our merchants have the common privilege of our fellow-citizens, of disposing of their own property-to determine for them. selves the amount of the risk, and take their chance of capture, rather than to continue the embargo, which must be inevitable destruction to all. They ought not to be denied the privilege of free citizens. An opportunity of discussing this important subject is what I most earnestly wish. Those who favor or support the embargo system may then adduce their arguments in its support-which I trust will be fairly, candidly, and I hope satisfactorily answered, and a just conclusion drawn, which may rescue our once happy country from the destruction which awaits it. The destruction of one hundred millions of property is of very serious consequence, and we may add to this value one million forty-four thousand tons of shipping, which, if destroyed, could not be replaced much short of fifty millions of dollars: but great as the losses are, they are trifling in themselves when considered in relation to the consequences. The individual distress, and a national bankruptcy, for want of revenue-a universal poverty for want of circulating medium, which will vanish in a very little time under the present stagnation of business-a hatred towards the Government a dissolution of the Constitution, and a second age of Vandalism-appear to me the inevitable consequences of the embargo system. H. OF R. should we not lay aside unnatural prejudices, and hasten to do ourselves justice? I believe I speak the sentiments of a majority of the nation; and I believe it is the opinion of a majority of this House. That Bonaparte has declared there shall be no neutrals, we have as good information as we have of the facts communicated yesterday, and it is difficult for me to believe that Mr. Armstrong has not communicated the information to our Government. If he has neglected his duty, he is very unfit for the important station he holds. But we have enough communicated to justify our proceeding in the way I have mentioned, and therefore I offer this resolution: Resolved, That the public good requires that the several laws laying an embargo on all ships and vessels of the United States, should be repealed, and that a committee be appointed to bring in a bill for that purpose; and that said committee be instructed to inquire into the expediency of permitting the merchant vessels ot the United States to arm for their defence against certain cruisers, and of associating for the purpose of convoy; and to inquire into the expediency of suspending commercial intercourse with France, and the nations under the control of the Emperor of the French, and to report by bill or otherwise. The question was taken that the House do now proceed to take the said proposed resolution into consideration, and passed in the negative-yeas 24, nays 84, as follows: bell, Epaphroditus Champion, Martin Chittenden, SamYEAS-Evan Alexander, Ezekiel Bacon, John Campuel W. Dana, John Davenport, jr., James Elliot, William Ely, Francis Gardner, William Hoge, Philip B. Key, Joseph Lewis, jr., Edward St. Loe Livermore, Matthew Lyon, Nathaniel Macon, Josiah Masters, Jonathan O. Mosely, Gurdon S. Mumford, Timothy Pitkin, jr., John Russell, William Stedman, Benjamin Tallmadge, and Jabez Upham. NAYS-Lemuel J. Alston, Willis Alston, jr., David Bard, Burwell Bassett, William W. Bibb, William Blackledge, Thos. Blount, John Boyle, Robert Brown, William A. Burwell, William Butler, Joseph Calhoun, John Claiborne, Matthew Clay, John Clopton, Howell Cobb, Orchard Cook, John Culpepper, Richard Cutts, John Dawson, Josiah Deane, Daniel M. Durell, William Findley, James Fisk, James M. Garnett, Peterson Goodwyn, Edwin Gray, Isaiah L. Green, John Harris, John Heister, William Helms, James Holland, Daniel Ilsley, Robert Jenkins, Richard M. Johnson, Walter Jones, Thomas Kenan, Nehemiah Knight, John Lambert, Edward Lloyd, John Love, Robert Marion, William McCreery, William Milnor, Daniel Montgomery, jr., Nicholas R. Moore, Jeremiah Morrow, John Morrow, Roger Nelson, Thomas Newbold, Thomas Newton, Though I can perceive no necessity for what has Wilson C. Nicholas, John Porter, John Pugh, John Rea been termed an "entangling alliance" with any of Pennsylvania, John Rhea of Tennessee, Jacob nation, yet I am compelled upon this occasion to Richards, Matthias Richards, Samuel Riker, John Rowsay, that from necessity, our only course of safety an, James Sloan, Dennis Smelt, John Smilie, Jedediah is peace with Great Britain and opposition to the K. Smith, Samuel Smith, Henry Southard, Richard boundless ambition of the Emperor of the French. Stanford, Clement Storer, Peter Swart, John Taylor, And I go further and declare my opinion (which John Thompson, Abram Trigg, George M. Troup, Jas. as a freeman and a representative of freemen, II. Van Allen, Archibald Van Horn, Daniel C. Verplanck, have a right to utter) that should Britain fall beneath the meditated yoke, Americans would be, like Noman, the last to be devoured. Why then, Jesse Wharton, Robert Whitehill, Isaac Wilbour, David R. Williams, Marmaduke Williams, Alexander Wilson, Richard Winn, and James Witherell. On motion of Mr. DAWSON, the House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the bill for raising an additional military force. MARCH, 1808. quires the Army to be composed of citizens of the United States. On the suggestion of Mr. RowAN, agreed to by Mr. TAYLOR, and supported by Messrs. MARION and SMILIE, the section agreed to in Committee of the Whole was negatived, nem. con.; and, on motion of Mr. NELSON, a provision that all com Various amendments reported by the committee on the military establishments were agreed to. missioned officers in the force to be raised shall be One section of the bill fixes the price of all un-citizens of the United States, was substituted in drawn rations at twenty-five cents. Mr. BLACKLEDGE, conceiving this a higher price than had ever been paid for rations, moved to strike out the word "five." Some discussion took place on this motion, in which it was declared in support of the motion, by Mr. BLACKLEDGE and others, that the greatest general price paid by contract for rations was eighteen cents, in some places only fourteen; and that a provision of this kind would favor the officer and not the soldier. On the other hand, it was urged by Mr. NELSON and others, that the compensation was too small, and varied in price according to the facility or difficulty of making contracts in different places; that a captain, who like all soldiers must undergo hardship, even if this provision passed, would receive but at the rate of $753 per annum, out of which his subsistence, clothing, and equipment must be furnished; while a member of Congress, who underwent no labor, and slept comfortably one moiety of the twenty-four hours, received at the rate of $2,196, besides his allowance of stationery, &c. Mr. D. R. WILLIAMS, to try the principle of equalizing the price of rations, moved to strike out the section. He conceived that it might produce a negligence of the officers in regard to the equality of rations, and thus have an ill effect on the fare of privates. Mr. NELSON, among other observations against the motion, observed that it was the duty of the officer, and his first duty too, to take care that contractors do justice to the men in regard to rations, and would deserve execration if they did not always attend to it. Mr. D. R. WILLIAMS, in reply, observed that he conceived the gentleman's remarks inapplicable, at the same time that he felt all deference to his opinion on military subjects; as he could not for his soul divest himself of the recollection that the gentleman's body was scarred with two and twenty wounds received in the service of his country. The motion for striking out the section was, after some further discussion, negatived, 46 to 36. Mr. BLACKLEDGE's motion was then negatived. Mr. TAYLOR proposed a new section to the bill, requiring that all the force to be raised by the act should be composed of citizens of the United States. Carried. Mr. TALLMADGE proposed an amendment to authorize the President, when he shall deem proper, to mount the dismounted dragoons.-The amend ment was agreed to. The Committee then rose and reported the bill as amended. The amendments were all gone through without discussion, except that which re place of it. Mr. Ely renewed the motion made by Mr. WILLIAMS in Committee of the Whole, to strike out the section fixing the price of rations, and called for the yeas and nays on it; which being taken, resulted yeas 47, nays 62, as follows: YEAS-Evan Alexander, Willis Alston, jr., Ezekiel Bacon, Joseph Barker, William Blackledge, Thomas Blount, John Boyle, Robert Brown, William A. Burwell, Joseph Clay, John Davenport, jr., Josiah Deane, Joseph Desha, William Ely, James Fisk, Francis Gardner, Peterson Goodwyn, Edwin Gray, John Heister, William Hoge, James Holland, Reuben Humphreys, Dan. Ilsley, Richard M. Johnson, Walter Jones, Thos. Kenan, Nehemiah Knight, John Lambert, Nathaniel Macon, Daniel Montgomery, jun., Nicholas R. Moore, Jeremiah Morrow, Josiah Quincy, Matthias Richards, Samuel Riker, Ebenezer Seaver, James Sloan, John Smilie, Samuel Smith, Henry Southard, Richard Stanford, Jabez Upham, Isaac Wilbour, David R. Williams, Marmaduke Williams, Alexander Wilson, and James Witherell. NAYS-Lemuel J. Alston, David Bard, John Blake, junior, William Butler, Joseph Calhoun, George W. Campbell, John Campbell, Epaphroditus Champion, Martin Chittenden, Matthew Clay, Geo. Clinton, jun., John Clopton, Howell Cobb, Orchard Cook, Richard Cutts, John Dawson, Daniel M. Durell, J. W. Eppes, William Findley, Isaiah L. Green, John Harris, William Helms, David Holmes, Benjamin Howard, James Kelly, Philip B. Key, Wm. Kirkpatrick, Jos. Lewis, jr., John Love, Matthew Lyon, Robert Marion, Josiah Masters, William McCreery, Thomas Moore, John Morrow, Jonathan O. Mosely, Roger Nelson, Thomas Newbold, Thomas Newton, W. C. Nicholas, Timothy Pitkin, jr., John Pugh, John Rea of Pennsylvania, John Rhea of Tennessee, John Rowan, John Russell, Dennis Smelt, Jedediah K. Smith, John Smith, Clement Storer, Peter Swart, Ben. Tallmadge, John Taylor, John Thompson, George M. Troup, James I. Van Allen, Philip Van Cortlandt, Archibald Van Horn, Killian K. Van Rensselaer, Daniel C. Verplanck, Jesse Wharton, and Richard Winn. Mr. BLOUNT moved to amend the same section by striking out the word "five," so as to reduce the price fixed upon to twenty cents. The motion was supported by Messrs. BLOUNT, UPHAM, SMILIE WITHERELL, and BLACKLEDGE. The latter gentleman stated that the difference between the present average price and the price contemplated by the bill, would be, for this force, $66,990 annually. It was opposed by Mr. LYON and Mr. ROWAN. The question was taken by yeas and nays, and carried-yeas 59, nays 45, as follows: YEAS-Willis Alston, jun., Ezekiel Bacon, Joseph Barker, William W. Bibb, William Blackledge, John Blake, jr., Thomas Blount, John Boyle, Robert Brown, William A. Burwell, George W. Campbell, John Clop ton, Orchard Cook, Richard Cutts, Josiah Deane, Joseph Desha, James Elliot, William Ely, James Fisk, Francis Gardner, Peterson Goodwyn, Edwin Gray, John Harris, John Heister, Wm. Hoge, Jas. Holland, Reuben Humphreys, Daniel Ilsley, Richard M. Johnson, Thomas Kenan, John Lambert, Nathaniel Macon, Robert Marion, Josiah Masters, Daniel Montgomery, jun., Nicholas R. Moore, Jeremiah Morrow, John Morrow, John Pugh, Matthias Richards, Samuel Riker, Ebenezer Seaver, Jas. Sloan, John Smilie, Jedediah K. Smith, John Smith, Samuel Smith, Henry Southard, Richard Stanford, Peter Swart, John Taylor, Jabez Upham, Jesse Wharton, Robert Whitehill, Isaac Wilbour, David R. Williams, Marmaduke Williams, Alexander Wilson, and James Witherell. NAYS-Evan Alexander, Lemuel J. Alston, William Butler, Jos. Calhoun, Epaphroditus Champion, Martin Chittenden, Matthew Clay, Howell Cobb, John Davenport, jr., John Dawson, Daniel M. Durell, John W. Eppes, Wm. Findley, Isaiah L. Green, Wm. Helms, David Holmes, Benjamin Howard, James Kelly, Philip B. Key, William Kirkpatrick, Joseph Lewis, jr., John Love, Matthew Lyon, William McCreery, T. Moore. Jonathan O. Mosely, Roger Nelson, Thomas Newbold, Thomas Newton, Wilson C. Nicholas, Josiah Quincy, John Rea of Pennsylvania, John Rhea of Tennessee, John Rowan, John Russel, Lemuel Sawyer, Dennis Smelt, Clement Storer, Benjamin Tallmadge, John Thompson, James I. Van Allen, Archibald Van Horn, Killian K. Van Rensselaer, Daniel C. Verplanck, and Richard Winn. H. of R. act entitled 'An act to incorporate the inhabitants of the City of Washington in the District of Columbia," as exempts from county tax the inhabitants of the City of Washington, may be repealed for the reasons therein specified.-Referred to the Committee for the District of Columbia. Mr. NEWTON, from the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures, presented a bill to continue in force "An act declaring the assent of Congress to certain acts of the States of Maryland and Georgia;" which was read twice and committed to a Committee of the Whole to-morrow. Mr. M. CLAY moved for the consideration of the report of the Committee of the Whole on the bill for classing the militia.-Negatived, 57 to 37. A message from the Senate informed the House that the Senate have passed the bill, entitled "An act concerning the sale of the lands of the United States, and for other purposes," with several amendments; to which they desire the concurrence of this House. JUDGE INNES. Mr. ROWAN held in his hand a resolution for an inquiry into the conduct of Harry Innes. He observed in preface, that it was of the utmost im. portance in our Government, which depends upon will, to animadvert with the utmost severity upon a deviation from a correct course of any one of its functionaries. Whatever excuse might be found in the weakness of human nature for any errors in judgment, yet for a deviation from the allegiance which he owes to his Government, as a child to its father, no excuse could be found in the weakness of his frame or the incompetency of judgment. If then it were found that any judge had violated his duty in that respect, the good of the Union, the perpetuity of the Govern Mr. VAN HORN moved to strike out that part of the bill which authorizes the President of the United States to increase the number of each company of infantry and riflemen to one hundred men. Mr. V. said he had as much confidence in the present President of the United States as he ever could have in any man, but he was averse to giving this power to any one person; and he believed the spirit of the Constitution prohibited it. Mr. D. R. WILLIAMS moved to adjourn. Neg-ment, and sound policy, required that he should atived, 47 to 44. Messrs. LYON, ROWAN, and STANFORD, supported the motion for striking out, on the ground that the bill was in contradiction to that clause of the Constitution which declares that Congress shall raise armies, &c., inasmuch as it gave power to the President to increase the army establishment. It was also said by the latter gentleman to be contradictory to the old Republican opposition to such a construction of the Constitution some years previous. Mr. STANFORD moved to adjourn.-Carried. MONDAY, March 21. experience the utinost severity of animadversion. He therefore offered the following resolution: Resolved, That a committee be appointed to inquire into the conduct of Harry Innes, district judge of the United States for the district of Kentucky, relative to his having whilst in the tenure of his office aforesaid been party or privy to a project on the part of Spain or her subjects to dismember these United States, or to the seduction of the State of Kentucky from this Union; or relative to his having been party or privy during the time aforsaid to a project of France or her citizens, to embroil these United States in a war with Spain; or relative to his having illictly corresponded with both or either of the Governments aforesaid or their subjects or citizens upon one or both the projects aforesaid; or relative to his having known and concealed from this Government one or both the said projects; and that the said committee have power to send for persons, papers, and records, and that they report whether in their opinion the said Harry Innes hath so acted relative to all or either of the subjects aforesaid as to require the interposition of the Constitutional powers of this House. Mr. NEWTON, from the Committee of Commerce and Manufactures, to whom was recommitted, on the eighteenth instant, a bill to discharge Francis Barretto from his imprisonment, presented an amendatory bill; which was read twice and committed to a Committee of the Whole to-morrow. Mr. Key presented a memorial of sundry inhabitants of Washington county, in the Territory Mr. R. said he would observe that the State of Columbia, praying that so much of an act of of Kentucky had felt impressed with the imporCongress, passed on the twenty fourth of Febru-tance of the subject, and the Legislature of the ary, 1804, entitled "An act supplementary to an State had adopted this resolve. [Mr. R. then read 10th CoN. 1st SESS.-59 the Kentucky resolution directing its Representatives to request the inquiry.] There had also been transmitted a certified copy of the report of the inquiry into the conduct of Judge Sebastian, with certain exhibits on which this resolution of the Legislature of Kentucky is predicated, all of which he submitted to the House. Mr. STANFORD observed that the subject of the Western conspiracy was one of the most interesting which had ever been presented to the General Government. If the public prints could be credited, this comprehended but one of at least three attempts to seduce the Western country from its allegiance. The present proposition, coming from a Western State, in an imposing manner, to the House, was one of the best pledges that the State itself did not participate in the disaffection. The subject was so generally important, that he thought the people should have general information on it; for his own part he thought this resolution rather limited, and that it should be so modified as to authorize an inquiry into the general extent of these intrigues. To promote a deliberate course on this subject, he moved that the resolution lie on the table. МАРСИ, 1808. time for consideration, he consented that it should lie on the table. Mr. PITKIN thought that on the request of a State there could be no hesitation to make an inquiry; he thought it should be immediately referred to a committee. The resolution was, however, ordered to lie on the table without a division. ADDITIONAL ARMY. On motion of Mr. DAWSON the House took up the unfinished business, on the bill for raising an additional military force. Mr. STANFORD wished to know if he could withdraw his motion made on Saturday, and move that each company should consist of one hundred men each, taking away the discretionary power to increase the number. The SPEAKER said the motion was not in order. Mr. DAWSON announced his intention to make such a motion, if the amendment should be agreed to. Whatever might be his opinion of vesting a discretionary power in the Executive, this was no time for discussion. The situation of the country might immediately require not only these men but a much larger number. Mr. W. ALSTON thought it would be much better to leave a discretion to increase the number from six thousand to ten thousand, in the event of any contingency, than to erect an army of ten thousand men at once. The question was then taken on the motion made on Saturday to strike out the discretionary power to increase the number, and carried, 63 to 45, as follows: YEAS-William W. Bibb, William Blackledge, Mr. BURWELL Seconded the motion of the gentleman from North Carolina, but with different views than he had expressed. He had no objection to carrying on an inquiry against a district judge of Kentucky; but as he presumed the gentleman who introduced it contemplated a removal, it would be improper to blend with it an inquiry into all the transactions in the Western country, which might involve every one who had or might be supposed to have been engaged in them. If the Legislature of Kentucky or any of her Rep-Thomas Blount, John Boyle, William A. Burwell, resentatives thought proper to institute an inquiry into the conduct of a judge, he was disposed to favor their object; but he wished the resolution to lie on the table to afford an opportunity to do justice to the character of the person implicated, and not, by instituting an inquiry without due proof that it was really necessary, to prejudice the public mind against his character. It was for this reason that he had seconded the motion for its lying on the table, and not with any intention to a modification of the inquiry so as to include an inquiry into the conduct of any other person than the person to whom it expressly applied. Mr. RowAN observed that he was satisfied that there ought to be an inquiry, and believed in his own mind that it ought to terminate in impeachment and removal. His opinion perhaps was tinged with prejudice; he would not claim an exception from the general liability; he had heard much of his mal-conduct, and he felt a general prejudice against any officer who permitted himself even to be tampered with; he had as little patience with a man who would receive proposals for a deviation from the line of propriety, as he would for a virtuous woman who would listen to proposals to induce her to become otherwise; the one was as little entitled to respect as the other to the ascription of virtue. This was his opinion, but the House might think otherwise. To allow Epaphroditus Champion, Martin Chittenden, John kiel Bacon, David Bard, Joseph Barker, John Blake, MARCH, 1808. Debts due to Individuals—Additional Army. Seaver, Jedediah K. Smith, Henry Southard, Clement inserted-65 to 17. The bill was ordered to a third reading on this day, 54 to 38. DEBTS DUE TO INDIVIDUALS. Mr. NELSON called for the order of the day on the bill for extinguishing the debts due from the United States to individuals. Mr. STANFORD moved that it be indefinitely postponed. Negatived, by yeas and nays on the call of Mr. RowAN, 73 to 36, as follows: H. OF R. not pass. I have no objection to the details. So YEAS-Lemuel J. Alston, Willis Alston, jun., David Bard, William W. Bibb, Thomas Blount, Robert Brown, William A. Burwell, William Butler, Joseph Calhoun, Matthew Clay, Josiah Deane, Meshack Franklin, John Heister, Thomas Kenan, Nathaniel Macon, Robert Marion, Daniel Montgomery, jun., Thomas Newbold, John Porter, John Pugh, John Rea of Pennsylvania, Jacob Richards, Matthias Richards, Samuel Riker, Ebenezer Seaver, James Sloan, Jedediah K. Smith, John Smith, Richard Stanford, John Taylor, Abram Trigg, Jesse Wharton, Robert Whitehill, Alex-rect purposes and objects of a militia, are, in the ander Wilson, and Richard Winn. language of our Constitution, "to execute the laws of the Union, to suppress insurrections, and to repel invasions." The idea, I know full well, of carrying on war by a militia is chimerical. It is perfectly utopian; it will do very well on paper; it sounds well in war speeches on this floor. To talk about every soldier being a citizen, and every citizen a soldier, and to declaim that the militia of our country is the bulwark of our liberty, is very captivating. All this will figure to advantage in history. But it will not do at all in practice. With your militia, sir, you may possibly get along tolerably well for the first three months of a war. Patriotism, love of country, a sort of laudable enthusiasm, will carry men for awhile great lengths. They will pawn "their sacred honors, and pledge their lives and their fortunes," to defend the liberties of their country. But this zeal and patriotism will be soon cooled down. With your militia you may repel a sudden invasion. You may keep an enemy in check till you can enlist and organize a regular, permanent force. Beyond this, sir, it is all mere idle theory. In war you must have an enlisted force. There is no such thing as disguising this. You must have a standing army, so called; that is, an army to stand, or continue, as long as your war. This has been found necessary in all countries NAYS-Evan Alexander, Ezekiel Bacon, Joseph Barker, William Blackledge, John Blake, jun., John Boyle, Epaphroditus Champion, Martin Chittenden, John Clopton, Howell Cobb, Orchard Cook, John Culpepper, Richard Cutts, John Davenport, jun., John Dawson, Joseph Desha, Daniel M. Durell, James Elliot, William Ely, John W. Eppes, William Findley, James Fisk, Francis Gardner, James M. Garnett, Peterson Goodwyn, Edwin Gray, Josiah L. Greene, John Harris, William Hoge, James Holland, David Holmes, Benjamin Howard, Reuben Humphreys, Daniel Ilsley, Robert Jenkins, Richard M. Johnson, Walter Jones, James Kelly, Nehemiah Knight, Joseph Lewis, jun., John Love, Josiah Masters, William McCreery, William Milnor, Nicholas R. Moore, Thomas Moore, Jeremiah Morrow, John Morrow, Jonathan O. Mosely, Roger Nelson, Thomas Newton, Timothy Pitkin, jun., John Rhea of Tennessee, John Rowan, John Russell, Dennis Smelt, John Smilie, Samuel Smith, Henry Southard, William Stedman, Clement Storer, Peter Swart, Benjamin Tallmadge, John Thompson, George M. Troup, Jabez Upham, James I. Van Allen, Philip Van Cortlandt, Archibald Van Horn, Killian K. Van Renssselaer, Daniel C. Verplanck, Isaac Wilbour, Marmaduke Williams, and James Witherell. The House then resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the said bill; and after some time spent therein the bill was reported with sev eral amendments thereto. Ordered, That the said bill, with the amendments, do lie on the table. ADDITIONAL ARMY. The engrossed bill from the Senate for raising an additional military force was read the third time; and the yeas and nays being asked on its passage by Mr. STANFORD, Mr. UPHAM addressed the House as follows- and under all Governments. But until I am convinced that we are to have war, or until I have probable ground of belief, that we are to have a national conflict, I cannot give my voice for the bill. In short, I will not further blindly rely upon the opinions of others. I am not unduly prejudiced on the one hand against standing armies; on the other, I desire them not, unless necessary to the security of our country. I would neither court popularity by declaiming against standing armies in time of |