Next comes the letter of Mr. Secretary Yorke to the Deputy Lord Lieutenant of the county of Surrey, which I shall insert, withcut stopping, at present, to inquire, how Mr. Yorke came to communicate at all, on this subject, directly with the Commanding Officer of a Corps. Lord Teignmouth, in consequence of the illness of Lord Onslow, is, it seems, acting Lord Lieutenant of the county, and to him, of course, Mr. Yorke's letter was addressed, under the date of the 12th of January, 1804. MY LORD,-I have the honor of transmitting to your lordship the copy of a letter I have received from Lieutenant Colonel Tierney, commanding the Loyal Southwark Volunteers, with its enclosure, being a copy of the resolutions of the 3d company of that corps, respecting the election of its officers; and I am to acquaint your lordship, that having laid these papers before the King, his Majesty has commanded me to express his perfect approbation of Lieutenant-Colonel Tierney's conduct on this occasion, and his concern that the company in question should entertain so erroneous an opinion of the terms on which the loyal tender of their services was accepted, it never having been his Majesty's intention that the successive vacancies which might hipper amongst the officers of the corps should be filled up in the manner which has been sus posed. The corps being once established, his Majesty undoubtedly expects that yourlordship, as representing his Lieutenant in the county of Surrey, will recommend proper persos to fill up the vacancies as they may arise among the officers, in the full confidence that the commanding othicer of the corps will from time to time be consulted as to the merits and qualifications of such persons as may have pre tensions to succeed. It is my duty further to state, that his Majesty has observed, with the most serious regret, the great breach of discipline committed by the 3d company of Loyal Southwark Volunteers, in assembling together without the order or permission of their officers, and, when so assembled, in discussing and de ermining upon questions intimately connected with the military subordination of the corps to which they belong And I am to announce to your lordship, that it is his Majesty's pleasure that your lordship should immediately make known to Lieutenant-Colonel Tierney, that his Majesty entertains a just expectation that the good sense, loyalty, and public spirit of the individuals comp sing the company in question, wi!! induce them to acknowledge the impropriety of the line of conduct into which they have been betrayed have the honor to be, &c. &c. inform you, that it is his Majesty's pleasure that the services of those individuals, who shail adhere, to resolutions so adverse to a proper subordination, shall be discontinued.-In this case, I have to request that you will hold the arms and accoutrements, which may have been issued to them out of the public stores, at my disposal.-I have the honor to be, Sir, &c. &c. TEIGNMOUTH, The regimental orders," as they are called, of Citizen Colonel Tierney close this list of documents. They are dated on the 15th instant, and are this expressed. Lieut.-Colonel Tierney cannot make the above communication to the regiment [the communication consisted of all the letters above inserted] without expressing his high sense of the steadiness and strict attention to military discipline preserved by the Loyal Southwark Volunteers at the parade of Tuesday the roth inst.-In the command of the Loyal Southwark Volunteers, it has been, as it always will be, the uniform endeavours of Lieut.-Col. Tierney to consult the convenience, and to meet the wishes of the officers and privates. To this he has every inducement, in common with others who command volunteer corps, and in addition, the strong incitement of a grateful recollection of the many acts of personal kindness he has so repeatedly received from most of the individuals who compose the regiment. To him, therefore, any rigorous exercise of authority must be doubly painful; but no consideration either of gratitude or interest, can be regarded in the performance of that military duty which he, who holds a commission from the King, is bound, without fear or affection, to the best of his judgment, faithfully to discharge.-Lieut.-Col. Tierney is persuaded, that the confidence his Majesty has been graciously pleased to express in the loyalty, the good sense, and the public spirit of the individuals of the 3d company, will insure the continuance of those exertions which, with so much credit to themselves, they have hitherto displayed, and stimulate them to promote and maintain that spirit of subordination, which, at. a moment like the present, constitutes the surest and most honorable test of zeal in the common cause. And this coaxing whining stuff, is called regimental orders!" This Citizen Colonel may know how to win the hearts of an unarmed rabble; but how to gain and preserve the respect of men in arms, men who see and who bear about them, the sure and certain sign of their power, he knows no more than a baby at the breast. One cannot but smile, to hear the poor faultering Colonel expressing "his bigh sense of the steadiness "and strict attention to military discipline" preserved by the corps on the 10th instant, the very day that the refractory company threw down their arms! As to his " high "sense," that is an unintelligible phrase; nor is it very certain what this sort of Colonel may regard as "strict military disci pline;" but we all know, that men throwing down their arms and leaving their ranks cannot, by any possible contortion of language, be denominated" steadiness." Never were men in arms yet won by coaxing; and the Citizen Colonel may rest as sured, that all his "uniform endeavours to "meet the wishes of his officers and pri "vates," and that all "his grateful recol"lection of the many acts of personal kind“ness," will render his men the more refractory, and will, if often repeated, very soon leave him at perfect leisure to exercise his corps at Somerset-House. Over this corps. indeed, he has something like substantial authority; it consists of volunteers of a peculiar description. This is by far the safest string of the Colonel's bow, and will, most assuredly, never fail him, as long as he is Treasurer of the Navy-Some persons say, that, supposing this determination of government to be perfectly proper, it has been begun in the person of one, who was very lately silenced f om bawling for popular privileges and independence, and, therefore, begun in the most ungracious and irritating example that could be made; and, indeed, who would not have chosen almost any other commander, and any other men, whereby to begin the reformation? But, the die is now cast: the King's determination has been declared, and, if it be receded from, if the government yield, or if any compromise take place, then but, why should I sound the alarm any more? It is now two years since I began to do so. Evil after evil has come upon the country, just in the time and the manner foretold by me. All my humble endeavours to prevent these evils have been rewarded with injury to my property, and with calumnies and curses upon myself. The ministerial hirelings and base dependents seem to regard me as a very selfish person. They seem to think, that I am endeavouring to save the kingdom for some purpose of my own; and they really speak and act as if their first, and, indeed, their only object, was to thwart me in my sinister pursuit! How they came to take up this notion, I cannot imagine; for, though, after having earned a handsome fortune in a foreign land, I sa crificed it for the sake of my King and country, and though I rendered that country greater services than ever was rendered it by any private individual, I defy any one to say, that lever, either directly or indirectly, asked for, or received, any reward, favour, or thanks, from any branch of the government. Not a penny of the public money ever came into my pocket; I never, like the hired slaves who revile me, lived upon the labour of the people, and I never shall so live; yet these slaves use all their cunning and impudence to inculcate a belief, that I am the enemy of the people. I have hitherto treated these calumnies with silent contempt; but the times are now approaching, when, if uncontradicted, they may lead to dangerous consequences.--Begging pardon for this digression, I shall now return to the subject of the volunteer system, and state some new instances of its blessed effects." A corps not far from Chester has, on account of the disputes, and the mutinous state that grew out of them, been dismissed till February, to give them time to cool! The following account has been transmitted me from one of the principle sea-ports :-" The "men who call themselves volunteers of "this and the neighbouring town, have for "these last two months done garrison duty upon Sundays only. Christmas and New "Year's days falling upon Sundays, the "volunteers petitioned the general officer to be excused duty on those two festi"vals, that they might dine comfortably. "with their families. This request was "complied with, and having gained the "wish of their hearts on those days, they "have now written a round robbin to the "General to desire they might be put off 66 guard altogether.--This, however, is a 66 request that I suppose will not be complied with. On Thursday and Sunday "last, which are general muster days, and "days of exercise, not one-tenth part of them "made their appearance. A serjeant threw "his halbert away upon the Grand Parade, "in view of upwards of a thousand people, "damned his officer, and swore he would "6 serve no more. This I was witness to my"self. The same day two caprains resigned: "these two gentlemen quitted the service, "because they wanted to wear white belts "instead of black ones, which the inspecting "field officer would not allow. These and "ten thousand other things appear to my "view every day, and convince me that "not one corps in the whole service can, 66 upon their present system, be depended upon for one hour." What a wholesome example is here afforded to the regular troops, in the same garrison! God defend ns; for our state is most fearful!--At Oxford, "the loyal volunteers," commanded by Sir Digby Mackworth, have been. not se ling out, but buying out of the corps, at the expense of nine pounds per man Thested, and, I dare say, very truly, that they could not continue their attendance in the corps, "without material injury to their concerns? This is a confirmation of what I have trequently stated, that it is impossible for tradesmen to continue in the corps. without raining their business. And yet Mr. Fitt wishes 66 19 to triple the number of exercising days! What a dangerous thing it is for an eloquent statesman to mount upon a hobby-horse! The dissentions in the Southwark volunteers increase as I write. The newspapers of this morning (Friday), say, that in conse"quence of Mr. Tierney's insisting to fill up vacancies of officers, the Capt. of the "light infantry company resigned, and his 66 company laid down their arms."--In the Queen's Royal Pimlico volunteers, who are commanded by Lord Hobart, and whose colours were lately presented to them, with so much pomp, at Ranelagh, a man has been fined for absenting himself from drills. He pleaded, that all the days of absence, for which he was fined, were Sundays, and his religious principles would not allow him to attend on that day. For this defence there is even a sanction, I believe, in the act of Parliament. The man was fined, however, and declared his intention of withdrawing his name in consequence. Here is a new source of dissatisfaction; and, if a very few more such instances occur, there will, undoubtedly, be a loud cry raised amongst the dissenters, which a meeting of their pastors in the West has already prepared us to expect.In the midst of all this fining and mulcting and levying by distress and purchasing freedom from volunteer service, out comes Mr. Colonel and Counsellor Erskine's opinion, pubJished in the newspapers, apparently by his own authority, flatly contradicting the joint opinion of the Attorney and Solicitor General, and stating, that members of volunteer corps have a right to resign whensoever they please! "Call you this backing your friends?" This is the same Colonel and Counsellor, who, because Mr. Windham foretold the consequences which have already arisen from the Volunteer System, asserted that if that gentleman's words had been uttered out of the Parliament House," they would have "amounted to a misdemeanor " This is the gentleman who has now published five columns of confused verbose law opinion, bolstered up at the head and foot with a fulsome disgusting eulogy on the people and on his own political principles and conduct. This is the gentleman, who expressed hisindignation at what Mr. Fox said relative. to the Volunteer System: this is one of the gentlemen, to whom the ministers look for support! -If this Colonel and Counsellor's opinion be correct, all the fines, &c. that have been imposed, have been imposed contrary to law; the seizures have been illegal, and are, of course, good ground of - action, in the Court of King's Bench. Yet the newspapers are filled with accounts of finings and mulctings even now going on, in every part of the kingdom. Every way that we look, we see only confusion growing upon confusion out of this ill-judged experiment made by our "safe" and "prudent" politicians, in the pursuit of low popularity, under the guidance of Mr. Pitt and Mr. Sheridan; for, it was the former of these gentlemen that first proposed the system of volunteers, in lieu of the general levy, and it will not be soon forgotten that the latter projected the ever famous vote of thanks.--But, it is no matter, who was the father or the fosterer of the system: the system exists, and the dangers of it are generally felt throughout the country. It may yet be done away; there is yet time to save the nation from its menacing and hideous effects; but that time will be passed the moment a compromise takes place, and really the proceedings with respect to the Southwark corps seem to indicate that a compromise will be the result. Sincerely, however, I hope that it will not; and, though many of the base newspapers are, I perceive, already beginning to turn against the government upon this trying occasion, I do hope, that, bere, at least, they will make a stand, as they must be convinced, that the very first step that they recede, will, by every reflecting man, be regarded as the signal for the destruction of the monarchy. If they show a becoming resolution, they will be supported by the people as well as by the Parliament; but, if they yield, even in the most trifling degree, upon this all-important point, all the timid all the selfish all the "safe" politicians will instantly desert them. One concession will lead to the demand of another concession, till, as in other similar cases, resistance will be attempted when it will be too late. Now, therefore, is the appointed time, and I venture to add, I hope not profanely, now is the day of political salvation! Let the way be open for whomsoever pleases to resign, but let those who remain, let all those who have arms in their hands, submit, implicitly submit, to the orders of the King. Enough and more than enough will be ready to serve upon almost any terms, that his Majesty shall think proper to prescribe; and those who are not, can never be of any use in the defence of the country. The importance of this subject must apologize for the omission of the other topics intended to be treated of. Printed by Cox and Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Bow Street, Covent Garden, where former Numbers may be had; sold also by J. Budd, Crown and Mitre, Pall-Mail. VOL. V. No. 4.] London, Saturday, 28th January, 1804. 46 [ Price 100 "From the language of Ministers, I am to conclude, that the Volunteer System, whether right or wrong, is now fixed, and incapable of being altered. But, I insist, that it is not fixed, and that it must on the contrary, and infallibly will, at no distant period, come again under revision. It "is with a view to that period, that these observations are made. The detects of this system will "never suffer it to go on long as it is. I wish, therefore, that before the time, to which I now look "forward, gentlemen would be prepared with their opinions on the several parts of the measure; "would consider how far the objections are valid; how far the parts objected to may be corrected "or got rid of; and, failing of that, whether the whole system will not require to be new cast, and, "in a great degree, possibly, to be done away."-M). W indham's Speech on the Volunteer Exemption Bill. Cobbett's Parliamentary Debates, December 14, 1803. 97] AN ANALYTICAL AND COMPARATIVE VIEW Of two pamphlets, lately published, the one entitled, "Cursory Remarks upon the State of Parties, during the administration of Mr. Addington, by a NEAR OBSERVER;" and the other entitled, " A Plain Answer to the misrepresentations and calumnies contained in the Cursory Remarks of a Near Observer, by A MORE ACCURATE OBSERVER." (Continued from p. 72.) The parliamentary conduct of LORD GRENVILLE is now to be examined. The Near Observer, which, the reader will bear in mind, is the name assumed by the parti san of the present Treasury, begins his attack upon his lordship's conduct by endeavouring to persuade the world, that his opposition to the peace was unjustifiable, because he himself had proposed similar terms of peace, during the negotiations at Lisle. But, the prefatory remarks must first be noticed. "The retreat," says he, "of the late minis"ters, was regarded, both by the government "of France and the neutral powers of the 66 continent, as a virtual confession of the "inability of the country to persist in the "war, so that, they had the misfortune to "retire, and the new servants of the crown "to succeed under the imputation, that "the former possessed no ability of making 66 peace, and the latter no means of con66 tinuing the war. It was even believed "that the late minister had been long di"vided upon this point, an opinion which "subsequent events appear to have justi"fied." It is not necessary to contradict this gross and shameful falsehood, but it would not be right to transcribe it without bestowing on it a mark of reprobation. Under these fatal impressions" (continues the hireling of the well-meaning, candid [98 ministry,) "under these fatal impressions of "the public mind, both at home and abroad, 66 was Lord Hawkesbury obliged to sub"mit to the first overtures of a treaty, "which appeared to all men almost im "possible to be obtained upon any terms "short of ruin and disgrace." I am forcibly stopped again here, to ask every true and honest man, who remembers the state and feeling of the country in the month of April, 1801, just after the battle of Copenhagen, whether the slave of the well-meaning ministry has not here promulgated another most gross and shameful falsehood? Whether, on the 14th of April, 1801, the very day on which London was illuminated in honour of the deeds of our fleet in the Sound; whether, on that day, the day on which Lord Hawkesbury gave in his first projet, it did really appear to all men almost impossible for England to obtain peace upon any terms short of ruin and disgrace?" The Near Observer proceeds: "It is fresh in "the recollection of the public, that, upon "the peace, a difference of sentiment im "mediately appeared amongst the late mi"nisters, so serious and important as not "only to confirm the opinion of there "having long existed a schism in their ca"binet upon that question, but to make it 66 66 * appear for ever impossible for them to act "again in any political union whatsoever." This has constantly been the course of the Addingtons. DIVIDE AND GOVERN, is their maxim; a maxim upon which they have steadily acted, and the folly, the seffishness, the ambition, and the blind animosity of others have most efficiently favoured * The first overture for a parley was made by Lord Hawkesbury, on the 21st of March; but, the first mention of terms was made on the 14th_of April the day after the news of the victory of Copenhagen was received.--For proof of these facts, as well as for a specimen of diplomatic prostration, see the authentic papers, Register, Vol. III. pp. 1179, 1180, 1181, and 1183. their views. Was there ever before heard of such an impudent sort of reasoning: because the members of the late cabinet differed widely in opinion, as to the peace made by their successors, we are to conclude, not only that there had long been a schism in that cabinet, but that it is impossible for them ever again to act together for any political end whatsoever; and, in a subsequent part of the pamphlet, we are told, that it would be "scandalous" and "profligate" in them so to unite, save and except it were for the righteous purpose of supporting the Addingtons and Hawkesburies: in that case, the end would sanctify the means! 66 new We now come to the passage relative to the negotiations at Lisle. "The unfortu"nate negotiations at Lisle," says the Near Observer, "confined and circum"scribed every projet or overture the ministers could hazard. Could Mr. "Addington propose terms less favourable "to Buonaparté, than Lord Grenville had "offered to Barras and Reubell? Would "France, now that one half of the Conti"nent lay prostrate at her foot, by the "Treaty of Luneville; mistress of Egypt; "and stirring up a confederation of Kings from "the bosom of the North, accept conditions "less glorious or profitable, than we had "offered her at the moment of one of her "revolutions, while the powers of Europe "were unbroken, and ready to renew the war at our side? The projet of Lisle, "therefore, was a circle, out of which the 66 successors of Lord Grenville could not "tread." 66 The answer, which the Accurate Observer has made as to this point, is as follows: "I cannot agree, that France was "mistress of Egypt, during our negotia❝tion at Amiens; nor, if I did, could I "consider it as a reason why we should "have accepted less advantageous terms. "Neither can the confederation of kings from the bosom of the north' be justly "stated as placing us under a disadvan"tage in that negotiation, for that confe"deration may be considered as having "been dissolved by the glorious victory at "Copenhagen, obtained a very few days "after the first overtures for peace were made. As little can I agree that we "were entitled to more favourable terms than those which we were willing to have accepted from France at Lisle, because (it is said) we treated at the moment of one of her revolutions.' The terms were offered previous to the revo"lution alluded to of the 4th September, 66 1797. It was that revolution which "broke off the negotiation. Instead of the powers of Europe being ready to renew the war at our side' they appear"ed to have deserted us. The Treaty of "Leoben had been signed, and that of Campo Formio was about to be con"cluded. The stoppage of the Bank had "created consternation and embarrass-"ment, and the mytiny in the fleet had spread "around us general despondency. The "circumstances and situation of the coun try were totally different at the periods "of our negotiations at Lisle and at "Amiens, and that difference was certain"ly not in favour of the former period. I "cannot see therefore, why the basis of "the Treaty of Amiens,' is to be con"sidered as necessarily traced at Lisle,' "or why the projet of Lord Grenville was a circle out of which his successors "could not tread.' These assertions are "made chiefly to prove the inconsistency "of Lord Grenville in offering the projet "and in disapproving the Treaty. From "this charge he exculpated himself very "ably and successfully on the discussion "of that treaty." So far the Accurate Observer is perfect. ly right; but his refutation is by no means so clear as his facts would have enabled him to make it. Lord Hawkesbury's negotia tion with France began, as I have already stated, on the 14th of April: then, and not till then, was the first proposition made. The news of the battle of the 21st of March, when Gen. Abercrombie was killed, when the Invincible Standard" was taken by LUTZ, and when the fate of Egypt was, in a great measure, decided; this news had not, indeed, been received when the first projet was delivered in by Lord Hawkesbury; but, it was soon afterwards received, and the complete reduction of the French force was expected to take place, it did actually take place, and the news of that reduction was received in France, at least, before the preliminaries were signed. And, to prove, that, even at the time when the first proposition was made, the expedi tion to Egypt was met regarded as being "totally incompetent to its object;" to prove that its success was not contrary to "all 66 human computation and probability;" to prove that the final conquest of that country from the French was not the conscquence of a series of unhoped for victo"ries," the Accurate Observer might have The Treaty of Leoben was signed 18th April, that of Campo Formio 17th Oct. 1797. |