VOL. V. No. 25.] London, Saturday, 23d June, 1804. [ Price 10D "Long and various experience seems to have convinced the nations of Europe, that nothing but a ading army can oppose a standing army, where the numbers on each side bear any moderate propertion to one another.......... What effects upon the civil condition of the country may "be locked for from a general diffusion of the military character, becomes an inquiry of great importance and delicacy. To me it appears doubtful whether any goverment can be long secure, "where the people are acquainted with the use of arms, and accustomed to resort to them. Every "faction will find itself at the head of an army; every disgust will excite commotion, and every "commotion become a civil war. Nothing, perhaps, can govern a nation of armed citizens but "that which governs an army-despotism.”- -PALEY. 961] LONDON COMMON COUNCIL. On Tuesday, the 19th instant, a Common Council was held in the City of London, and was very numerously attended.--To pass a vote of thanks to Mr. Addington, the jate Prime Minister, was the purpose for which the Common Council was assembled, which vote of thanks had originated with Mr. ALDERMAN PERRING, who, when the proper time came, rose and addressed the court at some length, wherein he expatiated on the evils of the late war, and the gratitude they ought to feel to Mr. Addington, for accepting the responsible situation he held at so perilous a crisis, and making peace on fair and equitable terms, which was so much desired by the nation. He then stated, that although not distinguished by the eminent abilities of some statesmen, he had, on all occasions, most zealously exerted him. self, and particularly distinguished himself for his economy of the public money, and his regard to our excellent constitution, and the liberties of the people, and also remarked, that he had put the nation into a state of defence, which rendered it perfectly secure from present danger. He then moved "That the thanks of this Court be given "to the Right Honourable Henry Adding"ton, late Chancellor of his Majesty's Ex"chequer, for the patriotism and public "spirit exemplified in his acceptance of "that arduous situation, at a period the "most eventful; and for his zealous and "unwearied exertions in the public ser"vice; for his economical application of "the national resources; and above all for "that steady attachment to the principles "of the constitution, and that uniform re"gard to the liberties of the people, which "have so eminently distinguished his admi"nistration."——MR. JACKS Seconded the motion.- -The question having been read, MR. WAITHMAN made a most admirable reply, and called the attention of the court to three avowed objects of the motion. He [962 said, no question ever introduced into that court, had been so heavily and dully supported, which he did not at all attribute to the want of ability in the gentlemen who brought it forward, who, he doubted not, would upon proper occasions display that ability. they were thought to possess; but the question itself could not be supported by any precedent. The first avowed object of the motion, he stated, was the patriotism of Mr. Addington, in undertaking the administration at such a perilous crisis, this he combated with the most pointed strain of ridicule, and asked, if when they heard of Mr. Pitt's resignation, if any man in that court, or the nation, if he had been called upon to say who was likely to succeed him, would ever have thought of Mr. Addington! Could that court then commit such an absurdity as to thank a man who was not known as a statesman, for undertaking a situation of such importance at so perilous a time? In fact, he came in on the principle of exclusion, and as the declared enemy of the liberties of the people, so far as respected the Catholic question--the people of themselves provided spontaneously for the national safety, and he was not supported but as a minister on mere sufferance.The next point was his economy-here he shewed that no enterprize of any glory having been undertaken or achieved, the expenses could not be so great when our whole operations were confined to defence; but he shewed that the taxes substituted for the income tax, were, so far as respected persons in trade, who were allowed an abatement of two-thirds, an unjust impost, as they paid so much above their fair proportion, and also in the late property tax no deduction whatever was allowed.The third point was, his regard for the constitution and the liberties of the people. Here he stated that the income tax, and particularly the last duty on windows, which gave surveyors the right of entering our houses, were direct infringe - censure Parlia ments on that constitution, and, in fact, was Jaying all the houses in the kingdom under an excise.These were the avowed objects of the motion; but he contended, the real object or effect of the motion was a vote of censure on the ad tion which preceded it, and an implied c of violating the constitution, and also. on the conduct of those memec. ment who had lately so nobly exerted themseives towards forming a more efcient administation, as best calculated to call forth the energies of the nation, and preserve us from surrounding dangers. If these were the mover's motives, he disapproved of them, an thought it best to move a direct censu, ad not to do it under colour of a vote of thanks to third party. After a variety of fruble observations, Mr. Waithman noved, as an amendment, that all the words of the mt. n, except the word That," should be omitted, and others substituted, with would then read thus: "however this court may regard the good "int nt.ons of his Majesty's late ministers, "it is their decided conviction, that the "extraordinary circumstances of the times "do imperiously require a strong, extend"ed, and efficient administration, combin That ingen of the first talent and consideration in the country, they do therefore "highly approve of the conduct of the "Right Honur..ble Henry Addington in "reigning he important and responsible situation which he held under, his Majes"ty's government, when he found he no "longer enjoyed that confidence and support, so essential towards conducting the "public affairs with energy and success. ઃઃ They cannot at the same time but deeply "regret, that the late partial changes ef"fected in his Majesty's councils, should appear so little calculated to promote the "great interests of the nition, and to se66 cure the confidence of the Parliament "and the people, so necessary at this mo"mentous crisis."- MR. REEVE Seconded the motion. -The question was then immediately put, and Mr. Waithman's an.endment was carried by a great majority.——Some members wishing to propose an amendment, a long discussion took place on the question of order, when most of the members withdrew, and there not being a court, it broke up. CORN LAWS. SIR, -The report of a committee of the Imperial Commons, upon the British Corn Laws, has reached our hands; and it is impossible to find another subject more vitally interesting to the welfare of Ireland.-Upon the fair and equitable understanding of the terms, upon which the union of these islands was founded, we acknowledge that we should not have expected to see introduced into any public document, the term foreign, so frequently applied to this part of the empire. We did not think it strictly correct, that the kingdom and this kingdom should be exclusively applied to the Island of Great Britain, after a solemn act of the two legislatures of both islands had directed Great Britain and lieland to be for ever united, component parts of one and the same kingdom. Of this solemn act of union, it is a fundamental article, that all prohibitions and bounties on the export of articles, the growth, produce, or manufacture, of either country, to the other, shall cease and determine, and that the said articles shall be exported from one country to another, without duty or bounty on such exportation."Upon this principle, a Committee of the Imperial Com mons acted in March, 1802, when considering the subject of the corn trade between the two islands-" Whatever further measures or regulations," say they," the wisdom of Parliament may ultimately adopt with regud to this important subject, in its various branches, your committee have greater reason to think, that it may be attended with beneficial consequences to both countries, if the liberty of exportation from the one to the other should be extended to both (for the propriety of the same rule is obvious) at the respective prices, for what, barley rye, and oats, under which both legislatures, even when general prices were much lower than at this day, thought fit to exclude supply from foreign parts at the lowest duties Now by the proposed regulations, this price must be 40s. 8d. per barrel, before it can be permitted to us to import into British harbours. The necessity which shall raise the price to that amount, then will inevitably affect our market here, so as to raise the rate of wheat at our ports, above the exportation price. Thus, entirely shut out of market, either because the commodity is too high or too low, the result is obvious. Tillage will decline: no surplus will be, or can be on hand; and one bad season brings on a famine. If the five county farmers speculate on this calamity, and hope to get rich by our starvation-their policy is miserably short sighted. The policy is little better, which would restrict us in paying in the least variable of all modes in grain, for the very great quantity of British manufactures, hard and soft, which we bring into Ireland, in return for our corn. And miserable and vicious in the extreme, indeed must be his policy, who will run the risk for the sake of pleasing the five county farmers, of driving to beggary, distraction, and outrage, the gr at majority of a people, who want the kindest and most fostering hand, to encourage them in the pursuit of those blessings, which attend a life of active and profitable industry. But we will n timpute it to the wise and magnanimous legislature of the greatest nation on earth, that, when we consented to mingle our representation with hers, the calls of justice will be disregarded, because her voices are so few, or that, a distinction suggested by narrow selfish motives, and which durst not lisp across the Tweed, will be permitted to dictate across the Channel. No. -The five county farmers will, by agitating the question, we trust, afford the legislature an ample opportunity of confirming our confidence in its wisdom and justice. -The gentlemen of this county have taken up the subject already, with the warmth that becomes them. We understand, a requisition is forwarded to the sheriff, to convene the county; and the mayor has summoned a meeting of the inhabitants to consider of the most effectual means for preventing this national evil. -At a meeting of the principal merchants, traders, and inhabitants of the town of Clonmel, held on Tuesday, the 29th of May, 1801. Solomon Watson, Esq. in the chair. Resolved, that under the Corn Laws, which have hitherto been "enacted for the regulation of this part of "the United Kingdom, the industry, agri"culture, wealth, and population of Ireland "have been steadily and uniformly advanc❝ing to an high stare of improvement.—Re"soived, that it appears to us, that one of "the fundamental principles, upon which "the Union of Great Britain and Ireland was effected, was that of a mutual intercourse of trade, and such an equalization of "all prohibitions and bonnties on the export of articles, the growth, produce or manu"facture of either country to the other, as should render all commercial advantages, "resulting from sech union, fully and sub"stantially reciprocal in their effects.-"Resolved, that we have seen, with equal alarm and astonishment, a report stated "to have been made by a Committee of "the Imperial Commons, upon the subject "of certain petitions presented to Parlia"ment, by the farmers of five English coun"ties, which report seems to be formed as "the ground-work of an act of the legisla ture, and recommends such an alteration "in the present subsisting Corn Laws as would abolish the corn trade in this island CONSPIRACY AT PARIS. Under this head have been inserted, in the Register, from time to time, all the of ficial documents relative to the late conspiracy. There remain an account of the Trials to be inserted, and this account will be published as soon as we have authentic information as to the result of those trials. The following letters make a part of the documents; and, when the evidence given upon the trials come to be examined, the letter of Moreau will be found to be very important. Letter from General Moreau to the First Consul, dated from the Temple, March the 7th, 1804. It is now near a month since I have been detained as an accomplice of Georges and of Pichegru, and I am perhaps destined to appear before the Tribunals, and vindicate myself from the charge of conspiracy against the safety of the state and against its Chief Magistrate.I was far from expecting that after having passed through the revolutions of the war, free from the slightest reproach of incivism or ambition (and more especially after having been at the head of great and victorious armies, which would have given me the means of satisfying such passions if I possessed them), Af that I made, and the decyphering of this correspondence, have placed all those pieces in the hands of several persons.-The events of the 18th Fructidor were then announced, and the public anxiety was very great: in consequence of which two offcers, who were informed of this correspondence, prevailed upon me to inform the government of it, and gave me to understand that it had begun to be pretty public, and that at Strasburgh they were already preparing to inform the Directory of it, I was a public functionary, and I could no longer keep silent; but without addressing myself directly to the government, I informed the Director, Barthelemy, confi dentially, of it, begging of him, at the same time, to give me his advice, and informing him that those pieces, although undoubtedly authentic, could not be proved in a court of justice, as they were not signed, and mostly in cyphers.My letter arrived in Paris a very short time after Citizen Barthelemy had been arrested; and the Di, rectory, to whom it was sent, demanded from me the papers which it made mention of.Pichegru then went to Cayenne, and from thence to Germany and England, without my having any correspondence with him. Some time after the peace with England, M. David, uncle to General Souhan (who had passed a year with him at the army of the North) informed me that General Pichegru was one of those, banished in Fructidor, and that he was astonished at hearing that it was from my opposition alone, that you refused to permit his return to France. I replied to M. David, that so far from opposing his return, I should make it my bn iness to solicit for him this permission. He shewed this letter to some persons, and I have learnt that the demand was positively made to you.Some time after M. David wrote to me, "that he had applied to Pichegru to demand of, you directly to be erased from the list; but that he had answered, that he would not make the demand unless he was. certain that it would be complied with;" that moreover, he desired him to thank me for the answer I had given, and to assure me, that he had never supposed me capa-. ble of acting in the manner that was imputed to me; that he even knew, that in the affair of the correspondence of Klinglin, I had been placed in a most delicate situation. M. David wrote me three or I four more unimportant letters on this subeffety fety ject. After his arrest, he wrote to me to. take some steps in his favour. I was very, arches sorry that the distance between me and the government prevented me from giving some lights to your justice in this respect, and I do not doubt but it would have been easy to have removed that prejudice which had been given you upon this subject. I no longer heard Pichegru spoken of, except indirectly, and by persons whom the war obliged to return to France. From that epoch to the present moment, during the two campaigns in Germany, and since the peace, there have been distant overtures made to me, to know whether it was possible to prevail on me to enter into correspondence with the French Princes. I considered these proposals so ridiculous, that I did not even make any answer. -As to the actual conspiracy, I can equally affirm, that I am far from having the least share in it. I confess even that I am at a loss to conceive how a handful of individuals, dispersed, could hope to change the face of the state, and to restore upon the throne a family that the combined efforts of all Europe, and of civil war, could not succeed in restoring, or how it can be supposed, that I could be so void of reason, as to join in such a plan, by which I should lose the whole fruit of my labours, which would only in such case draw upon me continual reproaches.I repeat it to you, general, that whatever proposition was made to me I have rejected from opinion, and always considered it the greatest folly; and when it has been represented to me that the chances of the invasion of England were favourable to a change of government, I replied that the Senate was the authority round which all Frenchmen would unite, in case of troubles, and that I would be the first to obey its crders.Such overtures made to me, an insulated individual (who had not chosen to preserve any connexion, either in the army, of which ninetenths had served under my orders, or with any constituted authority) could obtain no other answer than a refusal. The part of giving information to government was repugnant to my character, an office, which is always judged of severely; it becomes odious, and marked with the seal of reprobation against the man who is guilty of it, with respect to persons to whom he owes gratitude, and with whom he has had long habits of friendship. Duty even may sometimes yield to the cry of public opinion.This, General, is what I have to say as to my connexion with Pichegru; they will surely convince you that very false and hasty conclusions have been drawn from actions, which, though perhaps improdent, were very far from being criminal; and, I have no doubt, but if, by your authority, I had been asked for explanations on those points, which I would have very readily given, it would have saved you the regret of ordering my detention, and me the humiliation of being imprisoned, and perhaps obliged to go before the Tribunals and say that I am not a conspirator, and to appeal, in support of this vindication, to the uniform probity of my life for the last twenty-five years and to the services which I have rendered to the country. I will not speak of those, General; I can say, they are not yet effaced from your memory; but I will recal to your recollection, that if ever the desire of taking part in the Government of France had been the aim of my ambition and of my services, the cover was open to me in the most advantageous manner before your return from Egypt-and surely you have not forgotten the disinterestedness with which I seconded you on the 18th of Brumaire. Enemies have kept us at a distance since that time. It is with much regret that I find myself compelled to speak of myself, or of my services, but at a time when I am accused of being the accomplice of those who only considered of acting under the guidance of England, perhaps I shall have to defend myself from the snares which that power may prepare against me. I have self-love enough to suppose that England may julge of the evil which I am still capable of doing her, by what I have already done. -If, General, I can gain your full attention, then I shall have no doubt of your justice.--I shall await your decision on my fate with the calm of innocence, but not without the uneasiness of seeing that those enemies which are always attracted by celebrity, have triumphed. Letter from the Grand Judge to General Moreau, dated Paris, March the 18th, 1804; signed REGNIER. I submitted your letter of this day, at eleven o'clock in the evening, to the First Consul. His heart has been powerfully af fected by those measures of rigour which the safety of the state have imposed on him. - At your first examination, and when the conspiracy, and your connexion with it, were not denounced to the Constituted Authorities and to all France, he gave me instructions, if you desired it, ́immediately to introduce you to his presence. You might then have contributed to rescue the state from the danger which threatened it.Before appealing ultimately to jus tice, I wished by a second examination to be fully assured whether there existed a possibility of separating your name from that odious affair. You did not, however, |