four or five years. If another sort of poli- | ticians were to take the helin, indeed, his plans might be disconcerted; but, against Mr. Pitt and his systems Buonaparté must be mad, if he ever thinks of employing a single soldier, except by way of loup garou, or hobgobbling; and, if he were an econo mist, he might make a considerable saving by quartering paste board or wooden soldiers along the coast.-The trial of the conspirators is going on at Paris. All good and loyal men will lament if Georges and his old companions should suffer. Let us hope that Buonaparté, now that he is an Emperor, will know how to admire the unparalleled loyalty of these gallant men. By pardoning them he would do more for his character than can ever be done for it by any other means. Very different indeed is the situation of Georges from that of Moreau, or any of those, who had aided in the revolution, and who could have no reasonable and valid objection against the authority of Buonaparté. There is no proof that Georges and his companions meant to assassinate; and, if there were, some allowance is to be made for their long state of irritation; for the sufferings that they had undergone in consequence of the cruelties of the republicans, by whom the parents, the wives and children, the brothers and sisters, of the far greater part of them, had been massacred, or murdered in cold blood. Bouvet, for instance, who is one upon the melancholy list, had seven brothers, every one of whom was murdered, at different times, by the republicans, acting under the orders of the Consular government. Is there not great allowances to be made for such a man? That heart must be bard indeed which feels not great compassion for him, even supposing him to have contemplated the crime of assassination; and, totally devoid of justice must that mind be, which does not widely discriminate between the case of Bouvet and Moreau. CORPS DIPLOMATIQUE.-The appointment of Mr. Arbuthnot to succeed Mr. Drummond, at Constantinople, is, perhaps, a change for the better; but, would it not have been still more prudent to send to that important post a person of longer standing and greater experience? The Danes are in an excellent disposition, at this time; they are decidedly hostile to, and resolutely determined to resist, the further encroachments of France. This very favourable circumstance we owe, in a great measure, to the zeal, ability, experience, and conciliating manners of Mr. Liston; and, though one could have wished him to remain at Copen hagen, yet there is every reason to hope that his place will be very satisfactorily supplied by Mr. Garlike, who is appointed Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to that Court, and who is extremely well calculated to cherish and preserve a disposition favourable to his country. Amongst the late promotions, every one who is acquainted with the character and services of Mr. Thornton, late sec. of legation in America, will rejoice to see, that he is going in that capacity to the court of Berlin. But, who is to go to St. Petersburgh? Is it possible, that, in this critical state of Europe, no exchange of ambassador is to take place there? Cannot Mr. Pitt find, amongst all his numerous friends, one experienced person of high rank and great consideration to send to that court? British economy is the strangest thing in the world: we very contentedly bear taxes, till we can hardly stagger along under them, in order to enrich the vile Jews of the Change; but, we look at a guinea and turn it ten times 'over before we will part with it for the purpose of adding to the allowance of an ambassador, though we know, that, in many cases, and, indeed, in most cases, the success of his efforts depends upon the expenses he is able to go into. This is the folly of no other nation. It is a plant peculiar to this soil; and it has grown with more rankness than ever since the commencement of the power of Mr. Pitt, who, rocked in the cradle of party, nursed in the House of Commons, has never attached much importance to any thing but the result of a debate. The Bank, indeed, has, of late years, been the rival of St. Stephens; and, very lately, the circumstances of the times have produced a rage for volunteering and military projects; but, towards our diplomatique concerns his attention seems never to have been, even by chance, directed. the gifts that Lord Harrowby has in this way, we shall, probably, be made acquainted by woeful experience. As somewhat connected with this subject, the answer, which the French have published to the circular note of Lord Hawkesbury, may here be mentioned. It was by no means difficult to triumph over so miserable a performance, a performance that would have been a disgrace to the talents of any man, and what, then, must it be to a minister of state of a great nation, or rather, what must it be to that na. tion? Thas it is that we have sunk, and are sinking, in the eyes of Europe. We.have lost our ancient reputation for solid wisdom, firmness, integrity, and energy. The nations of the world now be held in our statesmen, a set of shuffling sophisticating dispu Of SLAVE TRADE. On the 30th ultimo Mr. Wilberforce made a motion, in the House of Commons, for the House to go into a committee, in order to consider of the propriety of introducing a bill for the purpose of effecting an abolition of the Slave Trade. The motion was finally carried, and the bill is now before the House, having already gone through several stages. The preamble of this bill says: "whereas the slave trade is contrary to the principles of justice and hu"manity." Very short and pithy! One would have thought, that when the character, not only of a very considerable number of British subjects, but also that of the government, in all its branches, not excepting the House of Commons itself; one would have thought, that, when all this character was at stake, that a little more ceremony might have been used. But, as it has frequently been observed, the love of the negrorace is a passion which knows no bounds, and, indeed, partakes in no trifling degree of the nature of the beloved object. This must certainly be the case, or, it is impossible to conceive, why the preamble to this bill should have fixed upon the whole English nation, for more than a century and a half back, the odious and detestable charge of injustice and inhumanity.The object of the bill appears to be to abolish the slave trade altogether, but not immediately, perhaps. It consists of prohibitions to carry, to land in the king's dominions or elsewhere, or to receive, slaves from Africa or any where else; together with a clause for nullifying all insurances of vessels carrying slaves, and for making such vessels prizes to ships of war and others. To enter upon a discussion of the question of the slave trade would, at any time, require a very grave apology; but, no apology could possibly be sufficient for attempting it at this listless season of the year. It is a question so completely worn out, and rendered so disgusting by the unaccountable perverseness, with which it was, on both sides, maintained, that people of ordinary nerves shudder at the recollection of it, and, rather than be compelled to listen to a repetition of the whole never ending controversy, not a few of them would consent to be deprived of the power of hearing. Seeing that such is the character of the subject; and, being of opinion also, that the bill, having already answered its chief purpose, will now be translated to the upper House, there quietly to repose in the tomb of its forefathers, I by no means intend to give it any annoyance on its passage, but, to turn from it at once to a matter, with which it is somewhat connected, and which, in my humble opinion, concerns us much more nearly than any thing that can take place on the coast of Africa, or in the West Indies; I mean, the importation, the fostering, and the propagation of blacks in the United Kingdom, particularly England. But, before, I enter on this topic, I wish just to make one remark or two on the tone, which the partizans of the negroes now take. In all their arguments, they proceed, as if it were allowed, even by their opponents, that the slave trade is contrary to the principles of justice and humanity; and, of course, they are extremely irritated, that those opponents refuse to confess that they are unjust and inhuman wretches. But, the truth is, that we, who are steadily for the slave trade, positively deny that it is contrary to any one principle either of justice or humanity; nor will we allow, that we are wanting in any of those sentiments, the prevalence of which tend to make us just, merciful, and kind. Few men have bestowed more time upon this subject than I have; few have read more or conversed more upon it; few have more earnestly, more diligently, or more disinterestedly, sought for information relative thereto; very few have had better opportunities of forming a correct judgment, while no one ever was in a situation to form a judgment more impartial. I have seen negroes in a state of slavery, and I have seen free negroes: in all sorts of employments and under all sorts of treatment, I have had a fair opportunity of observing them: and, which's not, in this case, an unimportant circumstance, I have never had a slave, nor any interest in a slave, or the labour of a slave, in the whole course of my life. And, I have no scruple to declare, hoping that I am, when occasion calls for it, able to maintain, that the slave trade is neither unjust nor inhuman; that it is contrary neither to religion nor morality; and that its continuation is at present de manded upon principles of sound policy. The importation and propagation of negroes in this country is, however, with me, a matter of much greater importance than the manner of catching them in Africa, or working them in the West-Indie The first care of every wise statesman and legis 66 | tor will be, to prevent the people, the common people, from being, by any means whatever, degraded in their mind and character; and, there are no means of national degradation, against which he will be more anxious to guard, because none are so fatal and so lasting, as those connected with the introduction of debased foreigners, by which the very nature of the population must, in time, be materially affected. When I look over the voluminous returns of the population of this kingdom, I cannot help regretting that such large sums of money were expended, and such immense pains bestowed in the producing of so imperfect a result. I would have dispensed with the distinction of male and female, and some others, if I could have obtained, in lieu of them, a pretty accurate account of the number of foreigners, distinguishing particularly, Jezus, Negroes, and Mulattoes; for, when I reflect on the vast number of these that I see in and about this town, I view the brilliant total of Our immensely increased population" with feelings very different indeed from those which I should otherwise entertain. To confine myself, at present, to the Negroes, (with a promise, however, not to forget the Jews another time) who, that has any sense or decency, can help being shocked at the familiar intercourse, which has gradually been gaining ground, and which has, at last, got a complete footing between the Negroes and the women of England? No black swain need, in this loving country, hang himself in despair. No inquiry is made whether he be a agan or a Christian; if he be not a downright cripple, he will, if he be so dis posed, always find a woman, not merely to yield to his filthy embraces, that, amongst the notoriously polluted and abandoned part of the sex, would be less shocking, but to accompany him to the altar, to become his wife, to breed English mulattoes, to stamp the mark of Cain upon her family and her country! Amongst white women, this disregard of decency, this defiance of the dictates of nature, this foul, this beastly propensity, is, I say it with sorrow and with shame, peculiar to the English. In no other country is it known. In America I never heard but of two instances, one of which came under my own observation, at Wil-rity. Here, on the contrary, we seem to mington, in the State of Delaware, where a white woman had, by some strolling methodist, been married to a negro. But, the exception was such as to establish the rule; the life of this wretched woman was a warning to others to avoid her crime. She was, to all practical intents and purposes, in a state of excommunication. Had she been afflicted with the leprosy or the plague; had it been declared death by the law to communicate with her; nothing that the human mind can conceive could have more completely dissevered her from all connexion with society. She was, indeed, a woman in low life; there were, however, many more poor, much more destitute of food and raiment; but, there was not a hut so miserable as to suffer her to enter it, nor was there man, woman, or child to base as to condescend to exchange a word with her. Her parents and relations all disowned her as decidedly and effectually as if she had never belonged to them; and, in short, she was, with respect to the white people of the country, in a state of death during her life. This unfortunate girl, if she had happened to come to England, would have been quite a respectable personage. She might have strutted, as we see many of her like, through the Mall, arm in arm with her sooty-faced spouse; and, in due time, she might, perhaps, have been followed by a white maid, carrying her mulatto child, or, even by a white footinan. One of the first things that attracted my attention, after my return to England, was a mulatto driving up St. James's Street in a curricle with two English grooms behind him. I have no-scruple to say, that, if this cannot be otherwise prevented, every colony the nation ought to be instantly abandoned; for, it is a trait of degradation and infamy that no nation ought to live under. But, it can be prevented; it has been, and it is, prevented, in other countries; in Spain, in Portugal, and in France most effectually. Before the revolution there was a law strictly prohibiting the landing of any negro or negress, or mulatto or mulattress, without express permission; and, if permission was granted, it was under heavy bonds as to the consequences. Tie same law was revived about a year and a half ago, allowing a certain time for all negroes, &c. to remove out of the territory of France. A wiser law, a law more characteristic of high mind, never was passed. It discovers an attention to the honourable feelings of the common people, whose blood it is desirous of preserving unadulterated, and of sending it down pure to their poste glory in our shame. None of the common people are so much caressed as the negroes; and many, too many, of the rich, in the wildness, in the insolent caprice of their Juxury, choose to regard them, and to treat them, as beings not only equal, but somewhat superior, to even the middling classes of the people. In the theatres they are ad mitted where a private soldier would be thrusted out with scorn, and, perhaps, not without blows, or more serious punishment, In the army, too, I am sorry to say it, they are but too often received, where they never ought to show their heads, in any capacity, or upon any condition. Not content with having negro regiments in the West Indies, we must have a negro regiment at home; and, amongst "the gallant defenders" of England, we have the honour to reckon a regiment of Africans! This is one of the things to be done away, before there ever will be an army in this country, such as this country stands in need of, and such as it must have, if it means to preserve itself from subjugation. But, the instance of negropampering, the most daring and most mischievous of all, is the "academy" at Clapham, for rearing negro priests; nor would it be at all surprising, if an attempt were made, at no very distant period, to introduce some of them into the Church. While an institution like this exists, is it astonishing that the daughters of poor people should cohabit and marry with negroes? Yes; though I would fain make an apology for my country. women, I cannot! Yes; notwithstanding all the encouragement they receive from the rich, still their own conduct is foul, unnalural, and detestable. a motion was made, by Mr. Whitbread, in the House of Commons, for the production of certain public records of the county of Banff, in Scotland, relating to the Lord Advocate's conduct towards a farmer of that county named Morison; who, it appears, had discharged a man from his service, be cause the latter had attended at the muster and field day of a corps of volunteers, to which he belonged. The man drew up a memorial, of which the following has been published as a copy: "Memorial for Ro"bert Garrow, private volunteer in Captain "John Machean's company, of the 2d bat"talion of Banffshire volunteers.- -That "the memorialist was regularly engaged to "serve James Morison, farmer, in Whyntie, "for the half-year commencing at Whit sunday last, at six guineas of fee; and the "memorialist accordingly entered home to "Mr. Morison's service, in terms of his agreement at that term.--That some "time thereafter the memorialist enrolled himself a volunteer in the said company without having previously obtained the "consent of his said master for doing so, "and continued to attend punctually at "drill with the company, after his ordinary "work was finished, in the evenings, until pany, by Major General the Marquis of "Huntly; and that although the memo"rialist before he set out to join his com pany, and also when he was dismissed as "aforesaid, offered to make ample recompence to Mr. Morison, in work or in money, for the loss of his labour during his necessary absence on duty in his Majesty's "service, at the inspection of said battalion. Quæ.-Will the memorialist, under "the above mentioned circumstances, be "well founded in an action against Mr. "Morison, of his said stipulated fee, and "for wages besides, since the said 13th day "of October, when he was dismissed from "his service as aforesaid, until Martinmas last: or would counsel rather advise the "memorialist to restrict his claim against "Mr. Morison to payment of his work from the said term of Whitsunday last to the "said 13th October? In short, the memo rialist is desirous to know if or not he has any claim against his said master, and to *what extent ?"- -This memorial, Mr. Whitbread stated, was submitted to the Lord Advocate for his opinion thereon, which opinion was given in the words hereafter to be seen, followed by a letter from the Lord Advocate, upon the same subject, to Mr. Forbes, the sheriff substitute of Banffshire; and, in consequence of which letter the sheriff substitute recommended a copy of it to be sent to Mr. Morison by the sheriff's clerk, who was ordered to keep the original in the record of the court. The sheriff s clerk did as he was recommended; and, he accompanied his communication to Mr. Morison with a recommendation to make the complainant, Garrow, as handsome an allowance as possible, as being the best means of removing the severity of the Lord Advocate's opinion. With the aid of this short introduction, the papers will speak for themselves.----“ OPINION. However unprin cipled and oppressive Mr. Morison's con"duct seems to have been, I am afraid that "the memorialist has no claim against him, except for wages up to the day that he was "dismissed from his service, to which he is certainly entitled The opinion of (Signed) C. HOPE." Edinburgh, Dec. 29, 1803. Edinburgh, Dec. io. "SIRI return you the memorial, "with my opinion; and in the circum "stances of this case I decline taking any "fee, which I also return to you. The case "in the memorial is one of those for which, "unfortunately, no provision is made in any of the Volunteer Acts, and therefore, "of course, a person who neglects his mas"ter's work, on account of attending drills 6 or r views, is, I am afraid, in the same si"tuation with a servant doing so from any "other cause. The conduct of Morison, however, is most atrocious, and every pos"sible means ought to be taken to stigma on them was more than they would fairly bear. He begged the House not to be prejudiced from the statement they had heard, but to consider the matter impartially, as being a question of the utmost importance. The conduct of the Lord Advocate, he believed, had proceeded from the purest mo tives of public zeal, and not from any per sonal malice. He considered it as the purest zeal, operating upon a strong and ardent mind; and, it would remain to be considered, how much the public ought to be interested in one who has been the uniform champion of the constitution, and who has given so many proofs of his patriotism and public spirit. Mr. Pitt expressed his wonder, that this matter had not been brought on sooner; seeing that the subject of the complaint existed in October, and seeing that the Lord Advocate had attended his duty in parliament since that time. Mr. Fox observed, that, whatever might be the motives of the Lord Advocate, in the conduct he had, on this occasion pursued, he thought, that, if no better argument could be found in his favour than that of an ardent mind, his case must be desperate indeed. What! said he, shall ardour of mind, in a highly can to prevent him from receiving any responsible character like this, be an apology "compensation for any part of his property for flagrant injustice? In this very House, "which may either be destroyed by thewhere we have so often been reminded of "enemy, or by the King's troops, to prevent "it from falling into the enemy's hands. I "am, Sir, &c. 46 tise him, and to punish, by the scorn and " contempt of all the respectable men of "the country, who ought to enter into a re"solution to have no communication or "dealings with him whatever. And far"ther, as I consider that Morison's con"duct can only have arisen from a secret spirit of disaffection and disloyalty, it is "my orders to you, as sheriff's substitute "of the county, that on the first French"man landing in Scotland, you do imme"diately apprehend and secure Morison as "a suspected person, and you will not libe"rate him without a communication with "me; and you may inform him of these "my orders. And farther, I shall do all I (Signed) "C. HOPE." "Addressed to George Forbes, Esq. Sheriff "Substitute of Banff shire." "I recommended to the sheriff's clerk "to transcribe this letter, and send the copy "to Morison; keeping the principal in the "record of court. (Signed) "G. FORBES." "Banff, 4th Jan. 1804. "SIR,-In consequence of what is above 86 stated, the before written copy has been "made out, and is now sent you, 1 regret you should have exposed yourself to so "much censure, and would recommend to ઃઃ you the propriety of settling with Garrow, "by making him as handsome an allowance as possible, as being the best means of "removing the severity of the Lord Advocate's opinion.-I am, Sir, your most "obedient servant, "To Mr. Morison. (Signed) PAT. ROSE." Mr. Pitt, in answer to the speech of Mr. Whitbread, began by saying, that he had no intention to object to the papers moved for; but, on the contrary, should be glad to see them before the House, being covinced, that the construction, which had been put the extravagancies and miseries of the French revolution, what sort of apology will an ardent mind afford for outrages offered to jus tice, to decency, to every thing sacred in domestic and social life? That an investigation into this subject has not been made sooner, id he, must be attributed to con sequences, of which oppression is not unfrequently the cause. The oppressed are afraid, and, in many cases, incapable, of complaining, in proportion to the weight and injustice of the oppression. On the 14th instant Mr. Whitbread stated, that he understood the papers relative to this subject were not arrived. His intention was, he said, to bring forward a motion upon the subject, and he wished to have a day for the purpose; but, he was desirous, that this day might be so fixed as to suit the convenience of the parties concerned, and that it might not precede the arrival of the official documents, on which he intended to found his motion. -This is a matter of very great importance; it involves the character of a person in very high and great authority, and, at the same time, the liberty, nay, even the personal safety, of the subject. Every man, must agree with Mr. Pitt, that the parlia ment and the country should come to the discussion of this question with minds to |