tors who were to accompany him, were chosen by lot. Speech of the Vice-President of the Senate, knowledge, may no more have a retrograde motion. I do not speak of the great man called upon by his glory, to give his name to the age in which he lives, and who ought to be called on by our wishes to consecrate to us his family and existence. It is not to himself, it is not to us that he ought to devote himself. What you propose in the ardour of enthusiasm the Senate will consider with cool deliberation--Citizen Tribunes, we are the corner stone of the social edifice; but it is the government of an here ditary chief that must constitute the key stone of the arch. You repose in your bosom the wish, that this arch may be at lest consolidated. In receiving this wish the Senate does not forget that what you solicit is not so much a change of the state of the republic as a means of perfecting and establishing it, and this certainly is what we are most interested in. In this national temple the constitution ought to repose in some measure on the God Torminus. If we are sacred compact, the guardianship of which is entrusted to us, it is only to add to its strength and to extend its duration. Message from the First Consul to the Conservative Senate, dated St. Cloud, 25th April, 1804, in Answer to an Address from the Senate, dated March 27th, 1804, which Address contained a Proposition for making him Emperor, upon the presenting of the Decree. Citizens Tribunes, this day will form a remarkable æra. It is the day on which you are called on, for the first time, to exercise with the Conservative Senate, the republican and popular privilege which the fundamental laws of the constitution have delegated to you. You could not exercise this prerogative at a more favourable moment, or apply it to an object of more importance than the present. Citizen Tribunes, you express to the trustees of the national rights a wish truly national. I cannot remove the veil which conceals for a time the labours of the Senate on this important subject. I must inform you, however, in the mean time, that since the 6th Germinal (March 27) the Senate has directed the attention of the First Magistrate to the same subject. The Senate had previously sound-induced to interfere in any respect with this ed the public opinion, and had announced it to the government. But you will find your advantages and privileges, when you observe that what we have been thinking of in silence for two months, the peculiar nature of your institution, and the place you hold in the constitution has enabled you at once to submit to discussion in presence of the people. You have served at once the people and the government, by disclosing and enforcing this opinion, pregnant with so many advantages, and at first secretly cherished in the bosom of this assembly, where you have now so gloriously reported it. The happy developement which you have given this great idea, procures to the Senate, which opened the Tribune to you, the satisfaction of being able to congratulate themselves on their choice, and to approve what they have done. In your public speeches we have found the basis of our opinions. Like you, Citizens Tribunes, we do not wish the return of the Bourbons; because we do not wish a counter-revolution, which is the only benefit we could derive from those upfortunate exiles who have carried with them despotism, nobility, feudal tyranny, slavery, and ignorance, and who, still to augment their crimes, have encouraged the hope, that a return to France night be found by the way of England.-Like you, Citizens Tribunes, we wish to raise a new dynasty, because we wish to secure to the French people all their rights which they have reconquered, and which the folly of their enemies would take from them. Like you, Citizens Tribunes, we wish liberty, equality, and "Senators;-Your address of the 6th last Germinal has never ceased to be present to my thoughts. It has been the object of my most constant meditation,--You have judged the hereditary power of the supreme magistracy necessary, in order to shelter the French people completely from the plots of our enemies, and from the agitations which arise from rival ambitions. It even appears to you, that many of our institutions ought to be improved, in order to secure for ever the triumph of equality and public liberty, and present to the nation and to the govern ment the double guarantee they are in want of ---We have been constantly guided by this grand truth, that the sovereignty resides in the French people, in the sense that every thing, without exception, ought to be done for its interest, its happiness, and its glory. It is in order to attain this end, that the supreme Magistracy, the Senate, the Council of State, the Legislative Body, the Electoral Body, the Electoral Colleges, and the different branches of the Administration, are and ought to be instituted.--In proportion as I fix my attention upon these great objects, I am still more convinced of the verity of those sentiments which I have expressed to you, and I feel more and more that in a circumstance as new as it is important, the councils of your wisdom and experience were necessary to enable me to fix my ideas. I request you then to make known to me the whole of your thoughts. --The French people can add nothing to the honour and glory with which it has surrounded me, but the most sacred duty for me, as it is the dearest to my heart, is to secure to its latest posterity those advantages which it has acquired by a revolution that has cost it so much, particularly by the sacrifice of those millions of brave citizens who have died in defence of their rights. I desire that I might declare to you, on the 14th July, in the present year. Fifteen years have past since, by a spontaneous movement you ran to arms, you acquired liberty, equality, and glory. These first blessings of nations are now secured to you for ever, are sheltered from every tempest, they are preserved to you and to your children institutions conceived and began in the midst of the storms of interior and exterior wars, developed with constancy, are just terminated in the noise of the attempts and plots of our most mortal enemies, by the adoption of every thing which the experience of centuries and of nations has demonstrated as proper to guarantee the rights which the nation had judged necessary for its dignity, its liberty, and its happiness. Reply of the Senate, dated 4th May, 1804, and signed by the Vice-President and Secretaries, FRANÇOIS (de Neufchateau) Vice-President; MORARD DE GALLES and JOSEPH CORNUDET, Secretaries, and the Chancellor of the Senate, LA PLACE "Citizen First Consul,-You have, by a memorable message, just replied in a manner worthy of you, and of the great nation which has appointed you its chief, to the wishes which the Senate expressed to you, and to the solicitudes inspired in it by the love of the country You desire, Citizen First Consul, to become acquainted with the opinion of the Senate, concerning those institutions of ours which we conceive should be improved, in order henceforth to secure the triumph of equality and public liberty, and to present to the nation and to the government, the double guarantee of which they are in want.- -The Senate have assembled together, and carefully compared the results of the meditations of its members, the fruits of their experience, the effects of the zeal with which they are animated for the prosperity of the people, whose rights they are appointed to protect.Having recalled the past, examined the present, and cast its looks towards the future, it now presents to you the wish imposed on it by the safety of the state. The French have conquered liberty; they wish to preserve their conquest; they wish to enjoy repose after their victory. For this glorious repose they will be indebted to the hereditary government of a single individual, who, elevated above all, invested with great power, surrounded by splendour, glory, and majesty, will defend public liberty, maintain equality, and lower his fasces before the sovereign will of the people who proclaim him.--It is this government which the French nation wished to give itself in the happy days of the year 1789, the recollection of which will be for ever dear to the friends of the country, whom the noble enthusiasm which the image alone of this government created, was involuntarily shared even by those whose interests were hurt by the revolution, and against which a perfidious foreigner dared to lift up from afar his parricide hands, and in which the experience of ages, the reason of statesmen, the genius of philosophy, and the love of humanity, inspired the representatives whom the nation had chosen.It is this government, limited by the law which the greatest genius of Greece, the most celebrated orator of Rome, and the greatest statesmen of the 18th century, declared to be the best of all. It is that alone which can put an end to dangerous rivalities in a country covered with numerous armies, and commanded by great captains.--History holds it up as an invincible obstacle to all the rash efforts of a bloody anarchy, the violence of an audacious tyranny which believed itself to be absolved by strength, and to the perfidious attempts of a despotism still more dangerous, which spreading in darkness its formidable nets, waited with hypocritical patience for the moment to throw off the mask, and to lift up the shaft of iron.--It declares to a brave and generous nation-"You have lost "your independence, your liberty, and your "name, because you would not renounce "electing a supreme chief."--It unveils that long sequel of tumults, dissentions, and civil discords, which have preceded or followed those periods when nations elected a new chief; happy, when not condemned to the shame still more insupportable than death, of receiving a foreign power, conqueror or corruptor, a contemptible chief, cowardly enslaved, or basely perfidious.-It bids us to regard the city of the Caesars, the capital of the world, a prey to all the disorders, crimes, and furies, which the gold, the sword, and the poison of the competitors for the empire could create, until an hereditary power replaced a monstrous assemblage of contested elections, ludicrous sanc-ledged, in order that at the most distant times the tempest of an elective government.Liberty and equality must be field sacred, the social pact must not be violated; the sovereignty of the people must be acknow the nation may not be forced again to seize its power, and avenge its outraged majesty. The Senates of opinion, Citizen First Consul, that it is for the dearest interests of the French people, to confide the govern tions, uncertain decisions, unacknowledged adoptions, and despised acclamations. After the fifteen ages which have elapsed since the year 1789, after all the catastrophies which have succeeded each other; after the numberless dangers which have sur-ment of the republic to Napoleon Buonarounded the social body, and when we saw the abyss opened, into which they seemed resolved to cast it, before the saviour of France was restored to us, what other government than that of a single individual, regulated by the law for the happiness of all, and confided to a family whose destiny is inseparable from that of the revolution, could protect the fortune of so great a number of citizens, become holders of landed property, which a counter revolution would snatch from them, guarantee the heads of Frenchmen who have never ceased to be faithful to the sovereign people, and even defend the existence of those, who misled in the beginning of our political torments, have claimed and obtained the indulgence of their country.--What other ægis than that government, can for ever repel those execrable plots, which reproducing themselves under every form, setting every spring at work, one day overturned and the next reappearing, might at length finish by tiring-The social pact will brave time. The out fortune; and to which were devoted those blind zealots, who in their guilty delirium, conceive they have means once more to erect for a family whom the people have proscribed, a throne composed only of feudal trophies, and instruments of servitude, which the national thunder has reduced to dust. What other government in short can for ever preserve that acquisition so dear to a generous nation, those palms of genius, and those laurels of victory, which the ene`mies of France would with sacrilegious hands snatch from her august brow!-This hereditary government can only be confided to Napoleon Buonaparté and his family. Glory, gratitude, love, reason, the interest of the state, all proclaim Napoleon Buonaparté hereditary Emperor.-But, Citizen First Consul, the benefit of our social pact ought to endure, if possible, as long as your renown.We ought to ensure the happiness, and guarantee the rights of generations to come. The imperial government ought to be unshaken. Let not the forgetfulness of precautions called for by wisdom, suffer the ́storms of an ill organized regency, succeed parté, hereditary Emperor.--If developes in the memorial which if annexes to its message, the dispositions which appear to it the most proper to give to our institutions the necessary force to guarantee to the nation its dearest rights, by securing the independence of the great authorities, the free and enlightened vote of impost, the security of prosperity, the liberty of individuals, of the press, and of elections; the responsibility of ministers, and the inviolability of the constitutional laws.--These tutelary dispositions, Citizen First Consul, will completely shelter the French people from the plots of their enemies, and from those agitations which take their rise from ambitious rivals, they will maintain the reign of the law, of liberty and equality.--The love of the French for your person, transmitted to your successors with the immortal glory of your name, will for ever connect the rights of the nation, with the power of the prince. republic, as immutable as its vast territory, will behold political tempests gather round it in vain.To shake it the whole world must be shaken, and posterity in calling to recollection the prodigies brought about by your genius, will continually behold erect that immense monument of every thing for which the country will be indebted to you." The following are Addresses, upon the same Address of the first division of the Camp at General First Consul,A cry has been heard in the army! !! That cry is echoed in every heart.- -The soldiers of the 1st division of the camp at Bruges, sensible of the dangers which you have encountered alone, in the common cause; more sensible still of the benefits which they have derived from you, are eager to decree to you a title august and worthy of you.~~ You are already their chief and their father, bat these titles are not sufficient to express either their enthusiasm or their love. Let, then, that of Emperor teach the world, that France has known how to express her gratitude for all that you have done for her! Yet a painful recollection mingles itself with our hopes. Already have the poignards of the enemy more than once threatened your destiny, to which that of so many others is attached.Fiance was on the point of being annihilated in your perso! Let her survive in your illustrious family! And let posterity know what your great actions have been, and what has been our gratitude.-The organ of a part of your troops, I am happy in having it in my power to xpress to you their sentiments. - Deign, to accept, General First Consul, the testimonies of love and of respect of the first division, and of mine -(igned). The General of Division, OUDINOT. - Then follow the signatures of the generals and officers of the staff, and of the officers and soldiers of the five regiments which compose the division.] Address of the Municipal Body of Paris, dated 30th April, 1804. To-day, Citizen First Consul, all France expresses the same wishes we expressed two years ago. To day all France, happy under your government, conjures you to eternise the benefit of it.--Do not forget it, Citizen First Consul: in 1789, France, without doubt, demanded a revolution; but she demanded it in the maxims of her government, and not in the unity which cous.ituted her essence. -The French, then free, in the choice of their deputies to the states general, free in the expression of their sentiments and wishes, expressly demanded that all the citizeus, equal in rights, should be admissible, without distinction of rank and birth, to all the public functions. They demanded that the power of exercising arbitrary acts should no longer reside any wh re, and that no citizen might be condemned without having been tried. They demanded liberty of conscience, or rather the free exercise of all forms of divine worship. They demanded that the representatives of the nation should be called to deliberate upon the public burdens. They demanded, in fine, as a guarantee of all the rights they invoked the restitution of, that the executive power should remain confided to the hands of a single person, and that this power should be hereditary.- -What the French demanded in 1789, they again demand to-day. They earnestly demand it. A long experience has too fully convinced them that whatever has been done, or tried, beyond their first wishes, commanded perhaps by circumstances stronger than men, cannot constitute either the duration, the force, or the happiness of a great empire. We shall not, Citizen First Consul, point out the mode it would be most suitable to adopt for the accomplishment of our wish. We trust, in this respect, to the wisdom of the first authority of the state, and to your own wisdom.—But let us be fearful of di-sembling the truth to ourselves. The moments are pressing. Our implacable enemies are observing us. We know what frightful projects they have shewn themselves capable of! They will never cease meditating our ruin beture strong, generous, and lasting institutions will have convinced them that our ruin is impossible. Signed the Twelve Mayors, the Twenty four As sistant Mayors, the Five Members of the Council of Prefecture, the Prefect and the Secretary-General. PUBLIC PAPER. Note delivered by the Minister Resident of Russia, Mr. Kluppell, to Baron D'dibini, and communicated to the Diet of Ratisbon, on the 6th of May, 1804.~It was dated at Ratisbon on the 5th of May, and signed, DE KLUPPELL. The event which has taken place in the states of his Highness the Elector of Baden; the conclusion of which has been so melancholy, has occasioned the most poignant grief to the Emperor of all the Russias. He cannot but view with the greatest concern the violation which has been committed on the tranquillity and integrity of the German te ritory. His Imperial Majesty is the more affected by this event, as he never could have expected that a power which had undertaken, in common with himself, the office of mediator, and was consequently bound to exert his care for the welfare and tranquillity of Germany, could have depart ed in such a manner from the sacred principles of the law of nations, and the duties it had so lately taken upon itself.It would be unnecessary to call the attention of the Diet to the serious consequences to which the German Empire must be exposed, if acts of violence, of which the first example, has just been seen, should be passed over in silence; it will, with its accustomed foresight, easily perceive how much the future tranquillity and security of the whole Empire, and each of its members must be endangered, if such violent proceedings should be deemed allowable, and suffered to take place without observation or opposition, Moved by these considerations, and in quality of guarantee of the Constitution of the Germanic Empire, and that of mediator, the Emperor considers it as bis duty solemnly to protest against an action which is such an attack on the tranquillity and security of Germany. Justly alarmed at the mournful prospect it presents, his Majesty made no delay to represent his manner of thinking on the subject to the First Consul, by the Russian Chargé d'Affaires at Paris.- -While his Majesty adopts a measure prescribed to him by his solicitude for the welfare of the German Empire, he is convinced that the Diet and the Head of the Empire will do justice to his disinterested, and manifestly indispensible care; and that they will unite their endeavours with his, to transmit their just remonstrances to the French Government, to prevail on it to take such steps and measures as the violation of their dignity may require, and the maintenance of their future security may render necessary. FOREIGN OFFICIAL PAPER. Message from the First Con ul of France to the Conservative Senate, dated St. Cloud, 18th of April, 1804, relative to his Brother Joseph Buonaparte. SENATORS-The Senator Joseph Buonaparté, grand officer of the Legion of Honour, has expressed to me his desire of sharing the perils of the army encamped upon the coast of Boulogne, in order to partake in its glory.I have thought that it was for the good of the state, and the Senate would see with pleasure that, after having rendered to the republic important services by the solidity of his counsels, in circumstances the most grave, by the knowledge, skill, and wisdom he displayed in the successive negotiations of the treaty of Monsontaine, which terminated our differences with the United States of America; of that of Luneville, which pacified the Continent; and subsequently of that of Amiens, which had re-established peace between France and England, the Senator Joseph Buonaparté should be placed in a situation to contribute to the vengeance which the French people promise themselves for the violation of that last treaty, and should be enabled to acquire additional titles to the esteem of the nation. -Having already served under my eyes. in the first campaigns of the war, and given proofs of his courage and his disposition for the profession of arms in the rank of chief of battalion, I have nominated him Colonel Commandant of the 4th regiment of the line, one of the most distinguished corps of the army, and which is numbered amongst those which, always placed in the most perilous post, have never lost their colours, and have very often brought back or decided the victory.--I desire in consequence, that the Senate accede to the demand which the Senator Joseph Buonaparté will make, to be permitted to absent himself from its deliberations during the time the occupations of the war may detain him at the army. St. Petersburgh, May 1-A Copy of the following Rescript of his Imperial Majesty to Count Marcoff, Counsellor of State, dated February 15, was read in the Directing Senate by Prince Peter Wassilievitsh-Lapuchin: Rescript.-Count Arkadi Ivanovitsh -Since I recalled you from your post at Paris, where you discharged your duty with the greatest zeal, and to my entire satisfaction, it is very agreeable to me to have found your conduct there consistent with propriety, and to renew my thanks to you for it, as well as for the exertions you have made to promote my advantage. As I wish to give you a new proof of my satisfaction, I have ordered, till an opportunity occurs of rewarding you according to your merit, that you shall receive yearly from the revenue of the post office 12,000 roubles, and that 12,000 roubles shall be paid to you from the Treasury to indemnify you for the expences of your return from Paris.-This salary you will receive from the day of your arrival in Russia in the quality of a Minister in the College of Foreign Affairs. SUMMARY OF POLITICS. RUSSIA. The Note from the Russian Minister to the Diet of Ratisbon, which will be found in a former page of this sheet, seems to indicate a determination on the part of the Emperor, to take part, in some way or other, in the present contest. It is stated, too, in the foreign newspapers, that an army of 200,000 Russians are ready to march into Germany; that there is an alliance formed, offensive and defensive, between Russia, Austria, Denmark, and Swe den; that England is about to accede to it; and, that the object, is, to carry on a war against Buonaparté, for the openly avowed purpose of re-instating the House of Bourbon on the throne of France, against the usurping of which by the Buonaparte's Louis the XVIIIth is now formally to protest. Such certainly would be a most generous and noble ground of warfare; and, it is to be feared, far too generous and noble to exist any where but in the imagination of those, who know little of some of the parties to this supposed league; for, as to, Mr. Pitt, |