rines, under their several commands.--Now, Sir, what can possibly have led the common council, in these resolutions of thanks, to omit the names of Rear-Admirals Bickerton and Campbell, the junior flag of ficers of the Mediterranean fleet under Lord Nelson, while they have mentioned by name all those who are employed under Admiral Cornwallis at home? Or why are Captains Domett and Murray, the invaluable officers who are serving as first captains to these fleets, with the temporary rank of rear-admiral, totally forgotten, while Captains Sir Edward Pellew and Sutton commanding two of the Channel fleet ships are specially particularized? Was it because the common council were informed that all Admiral Cornwallis' juniors had given him entire satisfaction, and that Lord Nelson's second and third in command had not done so? If they had no such information, why should so invidious a distinction have been made? And on what principle is it that Captains Sir Edward Pellew and Sutton are the only two of the commanders that have been employed in blockading the enemy's ships at Ferrol, who have been thought worthy of being named? Was it under the idea of these captains being the first and second officers in the command of a detached squadron ? If 80, Lord Nelson's second, who is a Rear-Admiral, should certainly have been named, in preference to Sir Edward Pellew, who is only a captain; nor should the second officers of other squadrons, hereafter to be alJuded to, have been passed over with indifference or neglect.-Again-nothing but a want of the necessary information which should have guided the deliberations of the common council, on such an occasion, could have led them to confine their resolutions of thanks for the blockade of the Texel and the ports of Holland to Rear-Admiral Thornbrough and Captain Sir Sidney Smith. I have had a most valuable friend employed during the winter, on an important station on the Dutch coast; and I have access to know the naines and the rank of most of the officers serving there. I therefore can inform the common council, that Admiral Thornbrough's and Commodore Sir Sidney Smith's commands are perfectly distinct and unconnected with each other; and that it even lies out of the exact line of the former's duty to convey the votes of thanks to the latter, who is entrusted by the commander in chief with the direction of a separate squadron. Did the common council know this? If they did not, it is evident that they have been voting thanks on subjects which they did did not understand. If they were aware of the fact, it surely is difficult to believe it to

have been their intention to mention in their resolutions of thanks, the names of the senior officers only of the squadrons that have been exposed to all the anxiety, hardship, and privation attendant upon a north sea winter's campaign; while not only the first but the second captain of a detachment of the Channel fleet have been distinguished with their particular notice. For what reason can it have been that such meritorious officers as Captain Hope, the second officer in Admiral Thornbrough's fleet and Captain Lord Proby, Commodore Sir Sidney Smith's second, have been treated with neglect, particularly, when it is considered that these officers have actually, during long intervals, had the chief command and direction of the two squadrons in which they are employed? For I feel confident in asserting, that not only the private, but the prefessional characters of these officers are held in the highest respect by the rear-admiral and the commodore Why has Captain Manby, of the Africaine, who has, I believe, been entrusted with the blockade of the port of Helvoetsluys for nearly twelve months, and meritoriously supported it, experienced the common council's disregard? And what can have been the reason why the commanders of the squadren that shuts the enemy up in the harbour of Havre de Grace should have been lost sight of in these votes of thanks? I have no doubt that they are officers of high merit like the rest, although I am not; at this moment, absolutely certain of their names; but it is fresh in our recollection that that squadron was lately commanded by the Honourable Captain Gower, a gallant officer, who had the misfortune, most probably from his great anxiety to maintain his station during the winter gales, to run his ship (the Shannon) upon the rocks on the French coast during the night, and who, in that hopeless situation held out against the enemy's batteries till many of his people were killed and wounded, and till the ship had received near a hundred large cannon shot in her hull.--But above all what can have induced the common council to neglect the eminent services of the squadron employed in blockading the port of Boulogne? A more brave, zealous, and indefatigable officer does not exist than Captain Morris, of the Leopard, who has the chief command of it: and his second, Captain Owen, of the Immortalité, is an officer whose vigilance, activity, zeal, and intrepidity are almost superior to praise.. This is the squadron to which is committed the anxious and arduous task of watching, under all the variety of winds, calms, fogs, and darkness the movements of the flotilla that threatens

to hoist the tricoloured flag upon London's Tower, and that will soon have to contend with a force consisting of, at least, 2000 vessels, carrying not fewer than five or six thousand guns and mortars of the largest size, and bearing an invading army of 200,000.men. This picture may appear to be exaggerated; but a little time will prove it to be just, however much it is at present the fashion to under-rate it, and hold it in contempt. Was it prudent, was it wise, was it just, Sir, on such an occasion, as that on which the common council met, to disregard the services of these officers, who have not quitted their posts during the whole winter, except when driven in, to avoid the dangers of the shoals, by the violence of the winds? And with what grace, Sir, will the common council tender votes of thanks to these meritorious officers, when the brilliancy of their services shall (as I trust they will ere long do) extort that acknowledgement of their merits, which, in the late instance, has been so invidiously with-held ?

I forbear from any particular animadversion on the neglect that has been shewn by the common council, in their resolutions, to Admiral Lord Keith, who I understand has the chief command of all the Heets and squadrons employed upon the Dutch coast, and upon the French coast as far as Cherburg, and whose distinguished services are held in the highest esteem; because I think it fair to admit, that these votes of thanks were intended to be confined to the officers and men who were actually employed at sea, which has not been the case with his lordship, who from the necessary attention to so extensive a command, is obliged to reside on shore at the central position of Margate, where all his orders are issued, and where all his dispatches are received. Ob servations of the same kind apply to that inestimable officer, Rear-Admiral Sir James Saumerez, at Guernsey, who directs the blockading of the enemy's ports in that vicinity. I confess, however, that I was sorry to observe, that Lord Keith's name was introduced at the meeting at all, as the proposal of his friend, Sir William Curtis, appears to have been dismissed with but little mark of respect.Under all these circumstances and facts (and I am sure, Sir, that I am generally correct, although in a few particulars respecting the commanding and second officers, I may not be perfectly so) I am persuaded that the common council will see that they have taken up a subject on which they have not, by any means, been sufficiently informed, and that they cannot have failed, not only to disgust many of ficers of high merit, but even to lessen the

value of their own votes of thanks, by the want of discrimination with which they have been heedlessly bestowed. Let it not for a moment be imagined, Sir, that any part of the object of these strictures has been to derogate from the merits of the illustrious flag officers and captains whom the common council have distinguished, by name, with their thanks. I most cordially join in hum bly offering my tribute of adiniration and gratitude for the services which they have heretofore performed; and which I confi dently anticipate they will yet achieve: but I am firmly persuaded, that they would not have less appreciated the resolutions of the common council, if they had been liberally extended to the flag officers and captains above-mentioned, who have been occupied, during the winter, in the performance of duties similar to those in which they have been engaged; particularly as most of the officers of the Channel fleet, as well as Lord Nelson, are fully acquainted with the anxiety, the fatigue, and the danger that must be experienced, in maintaining a position during the winter months before any of the enemy's ports in the North and Narrow Seas. March 9, 1904. NAUTICUS.

ANGLO-GALLIC CREDITORS.

SIR,After your excellent animadver sions on the subject of the French Creditors, I was surprised to see, in your last sheet, a letter signed Mercator, on a like subject. Self is, we know, a powerful agent; but, how Mercator could think of applying to you to support his cause, after the dressing you had given those in a similar predicament, is wonderful! I well know your attachment to your country, and the manly way in which it has been shown in situations from which frenchified Mercators would have shrunk ; therefore, hope you will not let him escape. One sentence particularly, I cannot help recommending to your notice: he says, he and his brethren showed their love and loyalty to England, by flying from the tyranny of Robespierre. Amazing! They showed their love of their country, which they had abanboned for another, by flying to that country merely to save their renegado necks from the guillotine!-Is a rage for money-making the only sentiment now left among us? If not, how dare people obtrude on the public circumstances of their conduct which, with sentiments of patriotism and honour, they would wish buried in eternal night? Let money making be the first sentiment of such hearts as Mercators; but, let him not shamelessly thrust upon our notice the unpatriot.c manner in which he has acted upon that sentiment.

Rem, facias rem,

Si possis, recte; si non, quocunque modo ́rem.

Nor is he satisfied with this exhibition; he claims the compassion of his countrymen, whose society he had relinquished for that of Frenchmen, their bitterest enemies; and seems to think himself intitled to a reimbursement for the losses he deservedly sus tained, by preferring such society to that of his relations and fellow-citizens. In truth and justice, the reimbursement he deserves from his country is money to buy a hal"ter." The state of society must be very bad, when a man, not ashamed of such sentiments, and consequently striving to con ceal them, takes every opportunity of poking them in our face. I leave Mr. Mercator to your handling. Your sentiments I read with much pleasure, because they are those not only of a man of sense, but of an honest man. I mean not to flatter; nor will you, Mr. Cobbett, suppose I do, merely because I speak what I think; but, it is seldom, in these days, that we meet with genuine effusions of manly and patriotic feeling, unadulterated by Machiavelism; unempoisoned by the absurd and baneful doctrines of equality; and unsophisticated by the affected and frivolous politeness of modern refinement. Your mode of carrying on the war (except the congress part) I always approved. I am sorry you have not continued your lucubrations on that subject; but hope to see something more of it when you shall have leisure, notwithstanding the incorrigible obstinacy of the present administration. Magna est veritas, et prevalebit. It ought to be felt by every British heart, that it is the mode most worthy of this brave and generous nation. Had it been followed, we might now have had in France a gallant British army of 50.000 men, supporting the unfortunate Pichegru, at the head of an army of 200,000 determined French royalists. The consequences may easily be guessed.-Adieu ! March 29, 1804.

DUKE D'ENGHIEN.

A. B.

Extracted from the French Papers. STRASBURGH, March 16, 1804.-On the evening of the 14th instant, Gen. de Caulincourt, Aide-de-Camp of the First Consul, lately arrived here, caused the gate leading into Germany to be opened, and passed through it with Gen. Levat, of the fifth military division, towards the right. Bank of the Rhine. A little before this a body of infantry, and a strong division of the regi ment of cavalry lying in garrison at this city, besides a division of the national guard, had been stationed Banks of the

on

the

Rhine. They crossed this river in the night, and directed their march through K+hỉ to. Offenbourg, which was immediately per ceived by our troops. Their commandant ordered to be pointed out to him the habitations of the emigrants who resided there, whom they wished to seize. They were immediately put under arrest. Some of this description were arrested also at Khi This' expedition was conducted in the greatest order, and executed with the greatest propriety.It is reported that Gen. de Caulincourt and Levat have themselves returned to Offenbourg. During the whole of the morning of yesterday the passage of the Rhine was shut. Nobody was permitted to cross the river, even with passports. About mid-day the column of Offenbourg again entered our city by the citadel, after having committed to the commandant their prisoners, the number of whom amounted to about fiften. They are provisionally detained. Among them are the Baron de Reich, and the Abbé d'Eymar. On the same night another column of our troops, composed of infantry, of cavalry, of artillery and gend'armes, crossed also the Rhine at Rhenau, about six leagues distance from this upon the road to Brisack.-We are assured, that their object was to reconnoitre the city of Ettenheim, and to arrest such conspirators as might be found there. Besides, by the consent of the Court of Baden, a Counsellor of Baden arrived here the day before yester day; and during the two last days, several couriers had been dispatched to Carlsruhe, and had returned. Kehl is already evacuated by our troops, and the communication has been again established since yesterday.

-Yesterday morning were arrested here about ten persons, who are said to be implicated in the conspiracy. Among them are the ci-devant Count of Toulouse Lautree, Madame de Klengling, sister-in-law of the Gen. of that name, the Curé of Ernbheim, and others, mostly emigrants who had returned. There was also arrested here about mid-day, General Desnoyes, who had presided three years ago in the Council of War, which acquitted the accomplices of Pichegru.- Madame Lajolais, the brother of the Ex-Gen. Lajolais, Deatongés and his wife, have been conducted to Paris under the escort of the gendarmerie.The most conspicuous person arrested on this occasion is the Duke d'Enghuien, son of the Duke of Bourbon, and grand son of the Prince of Condé.

PARIS, MARCH 24.-The following is the Official Report of the Trial of the Duke d'Engbuien, at Vincennes.

Special Military Commission, constituted

IREF

DISC

in the First Military Division, in virtue of a Decres of the Government, dated the 29th Ventôse (20th of March) in the year twelve of the Republic, one and indivisible.

JUDGMENT.-In the name of the French Republic, this 30th Ventose (March 21) in the twelfth year of the Republic.--The Military and Special Commission formed in the first military division, in virtue of a decree of the Government, dated the 29th Ventôse (March 20), composed, agreeably to the law of the 19th Fructidor, (Sept. 6), in the year five, of seven members, consisting of Citizens Hulen, Gen. of Brigade, Guiton, Col. Com,, Bazancourt, Col. Com., Ravier, Col. Com., Barrois, Col. Com., Rabbe, Col. Com., D'Autancourt, Capt. Major, Molio, Capt.--The whole of these were named by Murat, the Gen. in Chief, Gov. of Paris, and Com. of the First Mil. Division. The said President, Members reporting, Capt., and Register, neither being relations nor persons connected within the degrees of affinity prohibited by the law, met according to appointment.--By the orders of the Gen. in Chief, Gov. of Paris, the Commission was opened at the Castle of Vincennes, in the house of the commander of the place, for the purpose of proceeding in the trial of Louis Antoine Henry de Bourbon, Duke d'Enghuien, born at Chantilly the 2d day of August, 1772; of light hair and eye-brows, black eyes, small mouth, aqueline nose, and of a handsome figure.. The accusations against him included six charges; which six charges were as follows: -He was accused, FIRST: of having carried arms against the French Republic. SECOND: of having offered his services to the English Gov., the enemy of the French people. THIRD: of receiving and having, with accredited, agents of that Gov., procured means of obtaining intelligence in France, and conspiring against the internal and external security of the state. FOURTH that he was at the head of a body of French and other emigrants, paid by England, formed on the frontiers of France, in the districts of Fribourg and Baden. FIFTH of having attempted to foment intrigues at Strasburgh, with a view of producing a rising in the adjacent departments, for the purpose of operating a diversion favourable to England. SIXTH: that he was one of those concerned in the conspiracy planned by the English for the assassination of the First Consul, and intending, in case of the success of that plot, to return to France.--The Commission being opened, the President ordered the officer appointed to conduct the accusation, to read all the ppers which went either to the crimination or the acquittal of the pri

soner.

-After the reading of these papers was finished, the accused was introduced by the guard, free and unfettered, before the Commission,He was interrogated as to his name, surname, age, place of birth, and abode. In his answer, he stated that his name was Louis Antoine Henry de Bourbon, Duke d'Eoghuien, aged 32 years, that he was born at. Chantilly, near Paris, and that he had left France in the year 1789- -After the President had finished his interrogatories respecting all the points contained in the accusation, and after the accused, had urged all that he could allege in his defence, the Members were next asked if they had any observations to offer on the subject? They all replied in the negative, and the accused was ordered to be taken out of Court, and conducted back to the prison. The officer conducting the prosecution, and the register, as well as the auditors, were then ordered to withdraw by the President.--The Court deliberated for some time, with closed doors, on the respective charges as already stated. The question was put by the President on each of the charges separately. Each of the members in succession delivered his opinion. The President was the last in delivering his judgment. The result was, that the Court unanimously found the prisoner guilty of all the six charges. The next question put was to the punishment to be inflicted. The question was here again put in the same way as before, and the following was the sentence of condemnation: -The Special Military Commission condemas unanimously to death Louis Antoine Henry de Bourbon, Duke d'Enghuien, on the ground of his being guilty of acting as a spy, of correspondence with the enemies of the Republic, and of conspiracy against the external and internal security of the Republic. This sentence is pronounced in conformity to the second article, title 4, of the military code of offences and punishments passed on the 11th of January, in the year 5, and the second section of the first title of the ordinary penal code, established on the 6th of October, 1791, described in the following terms:-Art. II. (11th Jan. year 5). Every individual whatever be his state, quality, or profession, convicted of acting as a spy for the enemy, shall be sentenced to the punishment of death,—— Art. I. Every one engaged in a plot or conspiracy against the Republic, shall, on conviction, be punished with death.---Art. II. (0th October, 1791). Every one connected with a plot or conspiracy tending to disturb the tranquillity of the state, by civil war, by arming oue class of citizens against the other, or against the exercise of legitimate

authority, shall be punished with death. Orders were given to the officer who conducted the accusation, to read the above sentence to the prisoner, in presence of the guard drawn up under arms. -It was at the same time ordered, that a copy of the sentence should, as soon as was consistent with the forms of law, be transmitted, signed by the President and the Accuser, to the Minister at War, to the Grand Judge, Minister of Justice, and the Gen. in Chief, Gov. of Paris.Signed and sealed the same day, month, and year, aforesaid,

-

Guiton, Bazancourt, Ravier, Barrois, Rabbe, d'Autancourt, Captain Reporter; Molin, Captain Register; and Hulen, President.-Moniteur. FOREIGN OFFICIAL PAPER., Copy of a Letter from the French Chargé Affaires and Commissary General of Commercial Relations at Algiers to Citizen Ducos, Minister of Marine. Dated Algiers, January 25, 1804. CITIZEN MINISTER, The English appeared before Algiers on the 15th, with nine sail of the line, two of them three deckers, and one frigate and a brig. Admiral Nelson, who commanded the fleet, demanded, imperatively, in the name of his King, that the English Chargé d'Affaires, sent away from Algiers some months ago, should be honourably reinstated in his functions; he required besides, the restitution of five Neapolitan and Maltese ships taken with his passports, the release of seventy-nine unfortunate persons who composed the crews of those ships, and the severest orders to the Corsairs to respect all ships, of whatever nation they might be, which had British passports. The Dey refused every thing, and replied with much firmness to the English. After several days spent in very violent explanations, Admiral Nelson ignominiously retired. The Regency continued their preparations of defence with the greatest activity, and it may be depended upon that the Algerines will suffer a bombardment, rather than yield to one of the demands made by England.--All the agents of the different nations have retired to their country houses.I salute you with respect, DUBOIS THAINVILLE.

SUMMARY OF POLITICS. DUKE D'ENGHUIEN.-The arrest and subsequent trial of this gallant and amiable Prince, of which a full account is given in a preceding page of the present sheet, has very naturally excited universal regret. There are, however, some persons, some of the elect amongst the "sale politicians"

who affect to hope, that some good may come out of it; that the outrage committed in this instance against the laws of neutrality, will, at last, rouse the powers of the Continent from that state of lethargy and debasement, into which they have fallen. In other words, these "great hopers," as Mr. Windham called them, upon a former occasion, are by no means inconsolable, at the prospect of the Duke d'Enghuien's death, provided that it produces such a disposition in the powers of Europe as shall lead to a war with France, on the part of these powers, and as shall, thereby, create a diversion in favour of England. In short, no small portion of the "hopers" would rejoice at the Duke's death, if it would but give security to themselves for only another month or two.-It is, too, with no very good grace, that the makers of the peace of Amiens and their partisans reproach the powers of the Continent with lethargy and baseness; nor are they aware, perhaps, that the powers of the Continent do most freely and amply retort the charge. It is very easy for us to cry out against the baseness of the Prince of Baden; but, it will not be so easy for us to defend ourselves against a similar accusa tion. The poor Prince of Baden has not the power to resist. Every one knows, that, if France chooses to take away his dominions, she can do it, unless he be protected by greater states; and, as to the apathy of those greater states, what right, what shadow of reason, is there for us to complain, when we have made a peace upon the acknowledged principle of "keep

ing ourselves to ourselves;" or, according to the sentiment of Mr. Wilberforce, that we are too honest to have any con"nexions with the powers of the Conti"nent!" While we, who have declared war against France; we, who have a population of fifteen millions; we, who have our boasted "wooden walls" and our "salt-water girdle;" while we are surrounding London with entrenchments; while we make our renown to consist in preserving ourselves from slavery; while we aim at nothing further than the "glory" of keeping our necks out of the Gallic yoke; while we think and act thus, how insolent is it in us to affect to lament the fallen state of the Prince of Baden! and how justly might that prince remind us, that we should do well to keep our lamentations for the Electorate of Hanover? No: while the princes of the Continent behold the example of Hanover; while they see us with sol diers whose service is confined to these islands, and with paper-money of which a