stigmatize him as endeavouring "to decry the resources of the country and encourage the hopes of the enemy." Then was the time for him to speak, and not having spoken then, it is excessively mean to join in what is now become the popular cry, but what was, at that time, unpopular.— But, though he did not come to Parliament, though he disguised from the public, from his sovereign and his constituents, the disapprobation he entertained of the measures of ministers, he did, we are told, freely and distinctly express that disapprobation in private. Mr. Long tells us, that "he may "have communicated his opinions to the "ministers, or at least some of them, and "he may have found, that they were either 66 reign affairs was made to him, so as to "draw from him the full benefit of his "advice, an advice which was ever ready "when frankly desired. Partial communi❝cations may indeed sometimes have been "made; and opinions hastily obtained may "have been half acted upon, and then "thrown aside. The warmth that he may "once or twice have kindled, may have "been even kept glowing, until it reached "the Continent but there it was sure to be marred, dissipated, frozen, and lost. It "becomes me not to mention particulars "which I have no authority to detail; but "if this be true, it accounts for the strange vicissitudes of hot and cold; the orders "and counter-orders; the rashness and " submission,. "6 Like the poor cat i'the "adage, letting I dare not, wait upon I "" would," that mark the memorable sum“mer of 1802. However this may be, I aver, that after the treaty of Amiens, Mr. "Pitt's last care of those who were now to " shew that they could stand alone, was "confined almost exclusively to plans of "finance. For this he laboured by night "and by day; for this he sacrificed his lei "sure and his health; and for this he met "with the same return that attended most "of his other labours, little gratitude, n "attempt to change them, their unskilful "execution, and their consequent loss."— So then, it appears, that Mr. Pitt was still generous enough to lend his assistance in managing the affairs of the nation ? It ap- | pears that he still was, in some degree, at any rate, consulted and obeyed? Without stopping here to exhibit in their full view the natural consequences of such an unconstitutional influence, such a clandestine mode of conducting the government, of ruling both king and people without even the chance of incurring responsibility; witho giving way to the fullness of our indignation, we must all concur in rejoicing that the juggle, by which we and our sovereign were to be handed backward and forward from the Pitts to the Addingtons, and from the Addingtons to the Pitts, the one just keeping us in tow till the other had refitted and were ready to receive us; we must all, whatever be our politics or our party, unless we were to be sharers in the seizure; we must all rejoice, that this juggle, which Mr. Dundas might well and truly have called a conspiracy for place;" yes, we must all most heartily rejoice, that this detestable juggle has been blown into air, and that, too, by the very means which were intended to secure its duration, by that very negotiation which was set on foot for the purpose of bringing Mr. Pitt back to take his turn at the helm. This leads us to the point of the question, here we come to the conclusion of our inquiry, and here we find Mr. Pitt ready and willing, provided his terms were acceded to, to enter the cabinet, to join and to co-operate with the men, of the whole of whose principal measures, foreign and domestic, he disapproved, but the leaders of whom he was willing to keep in place and in power, upon condition that he participated with them; and, not being able to obtain the share that he coveted, we find him seizing on the first opportunity that of fered for commencing against them an opposition of the kind best calculated to render them contemptible and odious in the eyes of the world, and we see him restrained from open and violent hostility only by the fear of giving offence in that quarter where he wished to supplant them. To those who have followed me through this long, and, I am afraid, tiresome discussion, it remains for me to apologize for having trespassed so much on their indulgence, and also for having so widely separated the several parts of this" Analytical and comparative View ;" but, it was out of my power to be more brief, and when it is considered, that the pressing of this my own matter forward must have caused the exclusion of some of the productions of my correspondents, I am certain that the delay will be readily excused. WM. COBBETT. It may be useful to refer here to the several places, where the former topics of the "Analytical and comparative View" will be found. I. The time, the manner, and the occasion, of the late ministry quitting their of ficial situations, Vol. IV. p. 836. II. The promise said to have been made by Mr. Pitt and Lord Grenville, to give Mr. Addington their constant, active and zealous support Vol. IV p. 897. III. The circumstances of the negotiation for the return of Mr. Pitt to office, Vol. IV. p. 903. IV. The conduct of the New Opposition in Parliament. Lord Temple, Mr. Grenville, Dr. Laurence, Mr. Elliot, Vol. V. p. 1.'Mr. Canning, p. 65 --Lord Grenville, p. 97. -Mr. Windham, p 321. TO LORD REDESDALE. Church of Rome; you consider it as the source of all the misfortunes of that distracted country, and as repugnant to the repose of mankind. For God's sake, my lord, read the 39 articles, the doctrine of which, you are solemnly pledged to support; examine particularly, the 8th and the 18th, weigh well the last words of the Athanasian Creed, and your lordship will find; that the exclusive doctrine is not peculiar to the Church of Rome; but, that it makes a part of the established religion of the land. By what fatality does it happen, my lord, that the charges, which you bring against the adherents of the See of Rome, fall with redoubled weight upon yourself? According to your lordship's representation of the case, they consider all who differ from them in religion, as guilty of defection and rebellion to the Roman See. And, my lord, do you not, as a rigid Protestant, look upon them as idolators? Have you not sworn, that they profess idolatry? Of course, then, that they can have no rational hope of future happiness? If the Protestant professes his religion, in defiance of the spiritual authority of the See of Rome; does not the Catholic, in your lordship's opinion, adhere to his faith in opposition to the laws of his country, and to the authority of his King, as the head of the united MY LORD, -The high character which your lordship bears, in the estimation of the minister, your exalted rank, your distinguished situation, give a degree of import ance, to opinions which would otherwise pass unnoticed and meet with deserved contempt. You are, from the place which you fill, by no means an indifferent man; your conduct and your sentiments must either ex-church? After this, I call upon your lord. cite praise, or provoke censure. This consideration should have been maturely weigh ed by your lordship, before you ventured to arraign the principles and the conduct of more than three millions of his Majesty's subjects. At a period like the present, when the very existence of this great empire is endangered, and Ireland is acknowledged to be the most vulnerable part, it is obvious what should be the conduct of an Irish Chancellor. It was expected by your friends, that the supposed mildness and gentleness of your temper would constantly induce you to support conciliating measures, and to ponr balm into the wounds of the distracted country, in the government of which, you bear a distinguished part. But, unfortunately, you have disappointed the just expectations, both of friends, and of foes.To say nothing of the indecency of reading lectures on loy alty to a respectable nobleman, in issuing, at his request, a commission of the peace; I must ask, my lord, what motives could have induced you to criminate, not only the religious principles of the Catholics of Ireland, and, consequently, of every Catholic in the world; but to fix a peculiar charge on the higher order of the clergy of this persuasion. Your lordship appears offended at the doctrine of exclusive salvation, as held by the ship, publicly to decide, whether the charge of rebellion, which, in your principles, you must bring against the adherents of the See of Rome; be not, at least, as serious as that, which you represent them as producing against all those, who differ from them in religious concerns. But, my lord, your representation of the exclusive doctrine, as maintained by the Church of Rome, is extremely incorrect. However painful it may be to contradict a man of your lordship's high rank, and reputed knowledge, I must plainly tell you, that the adherents of the See of Rome do not hold all those, who differ from them in religion, as guilty of defection and rebellion. They say, that Christ has established but one church, and that truth is necessarily one; that all who wil fully and obstinately are separated from this church, to which they consider themselves as exclusively belonging, are not in the way of salvation. But, they do not deny, they even positively assert, that sincere believers in Christ, who by invincible ignorance, and involuntary error, are not members of their church, are not to be blamed for religious opinions, to which ignorance of this description has given birth. But when, and in what circumstances, this plea is to be admitted, they leave to the Great Judge. This, my lord, is the real representation of the and the innoxious tendency of their religious doctrines. You publicly espoused their cause, in this country, with the utmost ardour; in their favour you displayed that zeal, which must ever arise in a liberal mind, on the view of unmerited oppression. The legislature and country adopted your sentiments; you were the mover of the bill, which gave the English Catholics a partici against Catholics of a total want of charity,pation of some of the valuable privileges of in denying salvation to those who differ from them in religious belief. After what has been said, it is needless to observe, that this accusation can be retorted with advantage upon yourself, since, by your situation, you must necessarily maintain the same prinociple. Why could not your lordship give implicit credit to the declaration of Lord Fingall on this subject, when he assured you, that -his religion enforced charity and brotherly love to all mankind, without distinction of religion; true and sincere allegiance to the King, and inviolable attachment to the constitution of the country. It appears, that, as -you had lectured him on the duty of active and passive loyalty, you thought you might, with equal propriety, give him a few homilies on the pernicions tendency of his religious principles. The forbearance of that noble lord is entitled to respect and admiration. Had I been in his situation, I confess, I should not have possessed the same command of temper, when a Lord High Chancellor, ignorant of the fundamental articles of his own religion, should pretend : to instruct me in mine.It should not have escaped the attention of your lordship, that charity to all mankind, and submission -to authority of every description, whatever be the religion of the rulers, are very prominent practices of the Catholic religion, and - forcibly inculcated by Catholics throughout the world. If your lordship had taken the - trouble to inspect a vulgar book, called the General Catechism, taught by the Catholic pastors in the very seat of his Majesty's government in Ireland, you would have seen, that the duties of universal charity, and of civil allegiance, are enforced in the most positive manner. To this little contemptible publication, particularly to lessons 14, 15, 17, and 19, I beg leave to refer your lordship.--The revolutions, my lord, which take place in the human mind, are often as wonderful as those, which are observed in the physical world. By what extraordinary occurrence, are we doomed to witness an astonishing change in the enlightened mind of your lordship? There was a time, my lord, when you felt and acknowledged the peaceable and loyal conduct of Catholics, the British constitution. After such a pub- Prenos relabi posse rivos As the present ministers hold their situations by a resolute resistance of the Catholic claims, did your lordship think it necessary to co-operate in the just and liberal designs of your friends, to whom you are indebted for your present situation? And, could you not find a more plausible mode of attack, than that of misrepresenting and discrediting a religion, which once commanded your approbation and applause? Was it a proof of your judgment and consistency, to select, as an object of censure, that doctrine, which, as a protector of the established church, you are bound solemnly and officially to sup port? Whatever motives may have led to this singular change in your lordship's sentiments, nothing can unquestionably be more fatal to the interests of the British empire, than the language and professions, which your letters convey. The unfortunate country, in which you hold a high situation, has been, for a considerable time, in a melancholy state; the wounds of a formidable rebellion are still green; a considerable degree of irritation is acknowledged to pervade the public mind; a ferocious enemy is preparing to invade our shores, and is believed to direct his ambitious views in a peculiar manner against Ireland. This is the moment, my lord, so full of danger and hazard, which you carefully and judiciously select for the purpose of criminating more than three millions of its inhabitants. Instead of exhorting all, without any distinction of religious belief, to rally round the throne, and the constitution of their country; instead of raising every arn in defence of the empire, in an hour of peril unexampled in our history; yon employ the language of complaint and reproach; 'you thereby promote disunion and discord; you plainly tell the Catholics, that they are debarred from the possibility of being loyal to a Protestant government; and, that they are to remain in a state of political excommunication, with out hopes of farther relief. I really know not, my lord, what appellation to give to such conduct, but that of infatuation or phrenzy. As a British subject, warmly interested in the welfare of my country, I now call upon your lordship to disavow these pernicious sentiments, and to efface the impression which you have made. If, however, you .persist in entertaining the same ideas, and supporting the illiberal measures of his Majesty's present ministers respecting Ireland, it requires but a small share of political sagacity to predict the consequences of your conduct. You will have the consolation to reflect, that, as you have taken measures directly tending to the ruin of your country, - your plans will be crowned with ultimate success. May God grant, that you may not live to see the fatal catastrophe, to which your proceedings naturally lead; but, if you should, your lordship is to determine, whether you would wish to survive it. THE BRITISH OBSERVER, IRISH SALARIES. both countries, and to all the clerks of all SIR,-I had, a few weeks past, the plea-sides, Sir, I hear from good authority, that, sure of reading an excellent letter in your Political Journal, upon the Irish civil officers receiving their salaries at par from the Irish Treasury. In the debate of last night (22d March, in Parliament, Lord A. Hamilton moved for an account of those military officers, who enjoyed the same extraordinary privilege. To this Mr. Corry assented, but expressed some surprise, that it was not included in a former motion. The fact is, that it was not known; for such has been the secresy with which this proceeding has been carried on, that until this year, no one in this country had any knowledge of the fact. When the subject was first agi tated, the Irish Chancellor of the Exchequer expressed some astonishment, that any one should venture to question H. M. ministers upon a matter that had long escaped notice, and had been as long enjoyed.--He seemed to consider the Lords of the Treasury to have a right to put their hands into the public purse whenever they thought fit; and as they had contrived to pocket so much money without discovery, they had a just claim to more; and having done the same since the union, the antiquity of the practice, and the concealment of the fact, gave them a title to what they had appropriated. -This mode of reasoning may be very satisfactory to the Lords of the Treasury of while the absentee officers of the Treasury, &c. &c. are paid at par, those who remain in Ireland pay themselves in specie. That is to say, the first making ten per cent. while the public in the same situation loses it, and the second, by the sale of gold, gaining at home nearly to the same amount, making, the public a loser of ten per cent. upon the whole salaries of its servants; thereby reversing the order of things, which, in England, lays a tax on the servant, to refund part of his salary, while, in Ireland, the people are taxed by private arrangement to augment the pay of its servants.--Independent of these facts, now for the first time avowed and defended, and which, bythe-by, a court of justice would call by hard names, I wish to be informed, "how the public accounts are made out, and when any money due from England to Ireland is sent over, do the accomptants carry over the amount of the sums which the public gains by the exchange, and set-it-off against what the public loses by the augmemed salaries of the Lords of the Treasury, &c.?" And secondly: what is the premium given by the private bankers to the agents of government, for the money due to the army, &c. in order to circulate private paper? This is a fact known to the government, acknowledged by them: why has it been permitted, and how long has it been practised?It appears to me, tered away, by the difference of the currency, by the enormous rate of exchange, by the agency, and other incidental expenses, that a lieutenant will scarcely receive more than £30 per annum sterling, and this, too, as a reward, probably, for many years' services. Add to this disheartening representation the irregularity and uncertainty of its payment, even at this reduced rate. I know of some cases, and have heard of many others, wherein officers have not received any half-pay from government, since the reduction of their regiments in Ireland in June, 1802, although repeated applications have been made to obtain it.There can be no good reason, in my opinion, given, why there should be any difference between the half-pay of an officer from one regiment and that of another in the British service. Surely the being accidentally reduced in Ireland, cannot be justifiably admitted.--I hope, and trust, Sir, for the honour of this country, that the same SAR, From the impartial manner in liberality of sentiment, which induced their which your publication is conducted, I am lordships of his Majesty's Treasury to have induced to send you a remark or two, upon so much feeling and consideration for the the motion of Lord A. Hamilton, for an ac⚫ officers in bigb civil employments, with salacount to be laid before the House of Com-ries so munificent as those which, in general, mons, of the monies paid at par in this country, to officers holding official situations, on the Irish establishment.As there had been some appearance of delay in the production of the required information, Lord Hamilton, on the 23d inst. renewed his application, and begged also to know if the system of paying at par extended to the balf-pay officers on the Irish establishment. IRISH HALF-PAY OFFICERS. To this last question Mr. Corry, after he had accounted for the delay complained of, answered," that, he thought Lord A. Ha "milton's motion was confined to the civil "officers of Ireland; and that it was neces "sary to acquaint him, that the officers on the half-pay of the Irish establishment, "not being called to this country in conse "equence of the union, were on the same "footing as before the union with respect to the receipt of pay."--I take it for granted, that the authority of the Lords of the Treasury has been obtained for the precedent of paying the salaries of the civil officers on the Irish establishment at par, and that this indulgence has been granted on account of their occasional residence in this country; but, Sir, I beg leave to remark, for the information of Mr. Corry, that numibers of meritorious and deserving officers, on the half-pay of the Irish government, are also obliged to reside in England with their families or relations; and that, at present, the miserable pittance of half-pay is so frit they enjoy, will extend its influence to the comfort and satisfaction of those deserving military claimants, the half-pay officers on the Irish establishment.I am, Str, yours, &c. &c. MILES. DEFENCE OF THE ADMIRALTY. SIR,In the Register of the 18th ult. is a letter signed Z., on naval affairs, which, I am much persuaded, did not come from an impartial hand. Nothing is more easy than to make general assertions of mismanage Irent against any board; but, there is some little difficulty in citing particular instances of it, accompanied by such necessary proofs as shall carry conviction home; unless, indeed, incapacity or neglect of duty have been manifested. That the assertions respecting the Dock-yards, in the said letter, originated in ignorance or malice, must immediately strike the reader, however little he may be acquainted with their actual state; but, by those who have opportunities of visiting them, and are in acquaintance with their officers, they are at once known to be unfounded. I assert, from personal knowledge, that the business of the Dock-yards never went on with more alacrity, cheerfulness, and economy, than since Lord St. Vincent has presided at the Admiralty Board; and, that instead of the officers being panic struck, slow in the execution of orders, and |