and, though of very considerable length, their representation of their case, which they themselves published, and circulated amongst the members of Parliament and other persons of influence, will be found entire, in the preceding sheet, page 366. It seems, however, that all this is not sufficient to ward off a charge of want of candour. These Anglo-Gauls are certainly "well. meaning" men, whatever they may be as to honesty, honour, and patriotism; for no one but a " well-meaning man," no one but an imitator of the "modest" Doctor, would have had the assurance to complain that this subject had not been fairly treated in the Register. Whether these creditors have "half-abjured" their country, or not, shall be inquired by and by: at present some other parts of the letter, above referred to, demand a few remarks. It is denied, that the Anglo-Gallic creditors purchased the assignats and the "national domains" of France, and, as a proof that they did not make such purchases, the writer says, that they would, in consequence of that act, be chargeable with "high treason, seeing that, "at the period of the depreciation of the as signats, an act of Parliament had passed, "and then existed, making it high treason "to hold any correspondence, or to have any money negotiation with France."This appears to be very little better than a quibble. The statement which the AngloGaul here alludes to does not say, that all the assignats were purchased at two-thirds below par. in which the avoiding of detection was so very easy, and in which the parties to be detected were the most cautious, the slyest and most artful of all two-legged creatures. The fact is, and it is a notorious fact, that the act of Parliament, to which this writer refers, was enforced, or not, as suited the convenience of commerce, or rather of commercial men and money dealers. During a short space, indeed, there was an almost total sus pension of intercourse; but it was soon opened again; and, whether by the means of Americans, or other foreigners, or by direct communication, the money speculations were constantly carried on. So that, the argument founded on the high treason act is worth just nothing at all.- -This writer, alluding to the resource that was pointed out to the creditors, states, that they are refused "national domains" as an indemnity for the annihilation of their stock. It is dangerous to show the picture of food to a famished man. But, really, one could never have supposed, that in saying, "let these creditors go and seek their indemnity in those national domains;" one could never have supposed, that this would have been received as a piece of serious advice.--That some portion of the claims of these persons may arise from their having possessed stock in the French funds previous to the revolu tion nobody denies; but, without for a mo ment allowing that that circumstance gives the holders any right to an indemnity from Parliament, it may be safely asserted, that, of the three millions sterling, said to be due, not one arises from possessions in the funds of the monarchy.--This offended AngloGaul makes what it is very likely he regards as a cutting allusion to " Congress paper." His arrow is either very dull, or he aims it at a wrong object. Certainly there was very little difference in the conduct of those who speculated upon the plunder of the nobility and clergy, in France, and those who cheated the American soldiers of that which was to have been the reward of their toils, and who spared not even the widows and orphans of those soldiers who had been slain in the war. Very little difference indeed; but, what advantage the Anglo-Gaul could expect to derive from the allusion to "Congress paper," it would be very difficult to point out. It is asked, what way are "the justice and validity of this claim af"fected by the merit or demerit of Mr. "Pitt?" No one said that they were af It was obviously the average that was meant. But, is it not being very bold, for a "6 well-meaning" man, to say, or to infer, that no assignats were purchased at a degraded price; and that, too, upon no better proof than the circumstance of an act of Parliament having passed forbidding it? First; the act of Parliament was not passed till 1793; and, before that time, the assignats had lost much more than one-half of their nominal value. Secondly, who ever before asked us to conclude, that, because an act of Parliament had been passed against a certain traffic, such traffic no longer existed? There are acts of Parliament enough against smuggling. There are reams upon reams of revenue laws; there are penalties and oaths without end; but do we see, that a regard for either property, body, or soul; that ruin and infamy in this world, or everlasting torment in the world to come; do wee see, that any, or all, of these, are sufficient to deter men from disobeying the law?fected thereby. It was only contended; Why, then, should we believe that an act of Parliament has been so completely efficient in the particular case before us, a case 66 nor would Mr. Pitt's name ever have been mentioned in the controversy, had not the Anglo-Gallic creditors themselves first brought it forward in support of the principle, upon which their claim is founded. By a reference to their printed statement, it will be seen, that they accuse, before hand, of presumption all those who censure Mr. Pitt for having, in the treaty of 1786, adopted that principle. It, therefore, became necessary to show, that one might confer such censure, without meriting the charge of presumption; and, if, in defending oneself against such a charge, the defence assumed somewhat of an offensive nature, there was nothing in that, which is not fully justified by the laws of retaliation. But, after all, we are told, that the claim of these persons "does not depend on the treaty of 1786, "nor upon the stipulations of any other "convention; but on the usages of nations, and the good faith of France." Well, then, why is any appeal made to this nation? There is the "good faith of France" still to apply to. As to the usage of nations, however, that foundation will never do to stand upon; seeing, that the general usage and law of nations give a full right to every belligerent power, to confiscate all the property, of every description, belonging to its enemy, or the subjects of its enemy.This writer says, that," although sacrificed * by perfidy on the one hand and pusillani mity on the other, it remains to be seen, "not so much by an appeal to the genero"sity of this country, so much as to a sense "of its own bonour, whether, in some future "negotiation, these British claims will not be supported with more energy and bet"ter success." What idea this gentleman may have of national honour it would, perhaps, be hard to say; but, there can be little doubt, but that a treaty may be made without any mention of his claim, and yet not be dishonourable to the country; not half, no, not a thousandth part, so dishonourable as that treaty of Amiens, against which these creditors never uttered one syllable till now. They have now found out, that the ministers were base and pusillanimous; but, not one word of this sort did they say at the time when the treaty was discussed; not one of them voted against the conduct of those by whom that treaty was made; they all joined in an "bumble representation" to the French government; they remonstrated and intrigued with Lord Hawkesbury, the "solid young lord," the safe politician;" but never did they think of appealing to the Parhament, till they wanted money; money which they could find nobody else fool enough to give them; then, and not till then, they came to the Parliament; that is, they came to the pockets of the people, who are to toil for the sake of indemnifying them for losses sustained by their French speculation! Of such men is it too much to say that they have half abjured their country?--No; no stipulations ought to be made in their favour in any future treaty. The bare mention of such a claim must cost something in a negotiation; the nation must give something for it, for even the setting of it up; and, therefore, it never ought to be brought forward: the nation is no more bound to urge such a claim, than it is to urge the claim of a merchant, whose ship has been captured by the enemy. "CAPITAL, CREDIT, and CONFIDENCE." -Under this head a fact or two will be stated that will tend to illustrate what has been said, as to some of general principles, in the foregoing article.It will be remembered, that, in Vol. IV. p. 953, mention was made of the manner, in which the riches of England were made subservient to the carrying on of the war, on the part of France. In consequence of the cession of Louisiana to France, which cession was produced by the peace of Amiens, France acquired the right of selling it to America, which she has done for the sum of 11,250,000 dollars, being 2,531,250l. sterling, at 4s. 6d. the dollar, or 2,812,0001. in our present English bank paper, at 5s. the dollar; speaking, therefore, in the nearest round number, we must call the sum three millions. These three millions America agreed to pay in stock, to be created for that purpose, and the interest of which was to be payable in Europe, and transferable from the government of France to that of any other nation, or to individuals of France, or individuals of any other country. Having got his acquisition into this manageable, this really tangible form, Buonaparté naturally enough conceives the project of turning it at once into gold, or commodities. which are to be purchased only with gold. He has no desire to bind France to America, to render himself, in some degree, dependent on America, by being constantly the creditor of America, that is to say, by hav ing in her hands a large quantity of stock, which she can, at any time sequestrate, and, if necessary, confiscate: no; Buonaparté has no wish of that kind; it is above the reach of his mind, and, therefore, he modestly leaves it to great financiers, such as Mr. Addington and Mr. Pitt, who, in a possession like that of which we are speaking, would have descried the foundation of another "solid system of finance," and would, probably, have made out of it another sinking fund. Buonaparté, who understands nothing at all of these means of " husband Bat. ing resources," instantly abandoned all the immense advantages of interest upon interest, and, like the boy with the golden-egg goose, set on foot a scheme for getting into his clutches the whole of the principal at once. where was he to look for a purchaser of his stock Who was he to apply to for that purpose? Where but in England? To whom but to Englishmen? In short, as was before stated, the bargain is said to have been made, some time ago, by Sir Francis Baring and Company, the same merchants, on whom, during the late peace, the merchants of Philadelphia drew for payment for the provisions and stores supplied to the French army in St. Domingo. It is not meant to insinuate here, or in any other part of these remarks, that there was, or is, any thing either unlawful or even blameable in the transactions of these traders. Individual interests are frequently at variance with the interests of the nation, without any fault on the part of the individual, who, if a trader, will act like a trader, that is, he will get money, if he can; and if, in this pursuit, he injures his country, and yet acts lawfully, the fault is with the government of that country. To return to the subject immediately before us, the bargain with Buonaparté appears to have been concluded about the time that it was said to be in negotiation, as will be evident from the date of the following document, which is a correct copy of a certificate for a portion of the stock, of which we have been speaking. "TWO THOUSAND DOLLARS "LOUISIANA SIX PER CENT. STOCK. "No. Treasury of the United States, "Register's Office, December the 24th, << 1803. * "BE IT KNOWN, That there is due "from the United States of America, unto "FRANCIS BARING AND COMPANY, of "London, Merchants, or their assigns, the "sum of two thousand dollars, bearing in"terest at Six per Centum per Annum from "the twentieth day of December, 1803, in clusively, payable in London, semi-annu"ally; viz. on the first days of July and "January, and at the rate of four shillings "and sixpence, sterling, for each dollar, "being stock created by virtue of an act, en titled, "An act authorizing the creation of ""a stock to the amount of eleven millions ""two hundred and fifty thousand dollars, ««for the purpose of carrying into effect, ""the convention of the 30th of April, """1803, between the United States of "America and the French Republic, and * "making provision for the payment of "the same," passed the 10th day of No"vember, 1803, the principal of which is "payable at the Treasury of the United "States, by annual instalments of not less "than one-fourth part each, the first of "which will commence fifteen years after the 21st day of October, 1803; which "debt is recorded in this office, and is trans"ferable only by appearance in person, or "by attorney, at the proper office, accord"ing to the rules and forms instituted for "that purpose." "(Signed) JOSEPH NOURSE, Register." "Dolls. 2,000." To trace this transaction to its ultimate consequence would be next to impossible, because that consequence may be materially affected by intervening events; but, it requires no great degree of penetration to discover, in its operation, effects very far indeed from advantageous to this country. Superficial observers are apt, upon such occasions, to say: "well, if Sir Francis Baring "has so much money to advance, it only serves to show the immense riches of this country; and, as he will, of course, duly " employ his money in this way as in any ❝ other." That Sir Francis Baring is merely the speculator, is understood; because nobody imagines, in the first place, that he has three millions of money; and, in the next place, if he had, no one can suppose, that he would keep it all in Louisiana stock. He is the mere dealer, and, in order to make good his bargain, he, of course, sells his stock, just as loan-mongers sell slices of their omnium. In order, however, to preserve as much simplicity as possible, in the statement and reasoning upon this subject, it may be convenient to consider the wholesale dealer as being, in this particular instance, the sole holder of the stock that he has purchased...... But, this discussion would, I perceive, require a much greater space than I can, at present, allot to it: I shall, therefore, postpone it till my next, when an endeavour shall be made to render the subject familiar to the minds of those, who may happen not to have turned their attention towards it. VOLUNTEER SYSTEM. The bill for consolidating the volunteer acts has not yet passed the House of Commons. It has been committed and re-committed, and, it is thought, will be re-committed again. Upon one of the clauses, a division has taken place, 26 for, and 27 against, a majority of one in favour of the Doctor against Mr. Pit. It was a clause of the first importance, and the scanty attendance shows, that the parliament as well as the country are grown tired and disgusted with the whole matter. Regular regiments are, at last, to be raised for rank, it seems. The case is, indeed, despe rate. All the sources of recruiting have been cut off, and now the worst way of recruiting, except that of ballotting is to be resorted to. The whole fabric exhibits, in every part, evident symptoms of decay. It appears to be in a gallopping consumption, and will very probably experience the fate which such patients generally do experience in the hands of a quack. GROUNDS OF THE WAR." Better "late than never," they say; and so the ministers must have thought, otherwise they would not have stopped till now, before they put forth any thing in reply to the repeated declarations of France, that " no armaments, "except for colonial service, was making in her ports, at the date of the King's mes"sage." Now, comes forth a pamphlet by Sir Francis D'Ivernois upon the immense "war-like preparations which were made in "France instantly after the treaty of "Amiens." The Knight calls this pam phlet "a fragment of an historical exposi tion of the events which led to the rup"ture of the treaty," and tells his readers, that it was intended to form the close of that production of his pen; but he adds that it appeared to him, that the facts which the fragment contains, were too little known, and could not be too much known, and, therefore, he published it first instead of last. It is, and probably ever will be, a subject of regret, that this thought did not strike the writer at a more early epoch. It is now more than a year since the king's message was sent to the parliament, and, whoever reads Sir Francis's pamphlet will see, that it might have been written in a very few days, not to say hours. Neither does the pam phlet, even at this last moment, seem to contain any statements or argument likely to produce much effect; and, if the work be what the author thinks it is; if it does contain facts that are too little known and that cannot be known too much, it may be not altogether unworthy of his mathematical powers to solve the problem of how many hundred years it will be before these facts will reach the eyes of the persons who have read our accusation in the Moniteur.- At the close of his pamphlet Sir Francis has given us a list of the heads of his intended exposition; and, amongst the grounds of the war, on our part, he has reckoned the arrest of Captain D'Auvergne, an act which Lord Castlereagh insisted was "merely a pre"caution of police."-Finance: the ruin of the French finances winds up the pamphlet. The Knight seems resolved never to give up this point. He is going (mercy on us!) to write another pamphlet, in order to convince the people of the Continent, that if Buonaparté does not seize hold of "the rich prey of the British Isles, the "neighbours of France will never enjoy "durable repose, unless the French go"vernment reduces its peace expenditure "to a level with its own internal income." It would be curious to see how he would make this out, and still more curious to see the effect of his success; but, is he not afraid, that the neighbours of France will, in this case, most earnestly pray, that Buonaparté may seize hold of the British Islands? If such seizure is likely to procure them durable repose, is it not pretty certain, that they will endeavour to assist in the undertaking? And has not Sir Francis over-shot himself here? Has he not gone beyond his last?--And are we, indeed, still so doltish as to listen to this idle talk about the ruin of the finances of France ? Alas! most dearly have we heretofore paid for this flattery of the opinions of a minister. Were the pamphlet paid for; were the writer pensioned, or promoted; and did the matter end there, it would be a thing to be laughed at but, the minister, in too many instances, builds an erroneous opinion upon what is thus advanced, or, at least it confirms him in an erroneous opinion already conceived, and to flatter which, without any evil design, is the object of the writer. JAMAICA. In another part of this sheet will be found the speech of the Governor at the proroguing of the Legislative Assembly of Jamaica. Of the proceedings of the Assembly we have no account; but, from the sentiments and language of the Governor, the dispute between them appears to be a continuation of that which was begun, with so much warmth, in 1802; to wit, the Governor calls upon the Assembly for money to defray the expense of maintaining an additional number of troops; the Assembly, instead of consenting thereto, refuses, upon grounds which they state very much at length, conclude in the following words: " that, "from the various considerations already "stated, the House consider it to be their "duty not to comply with the requisitions signified in Lord Hobart's dispatches, of paying and subsisting 5,000 troops at the "sole expense of this colony, and their "resistance is founded on constitutional right and justice; but, if they could be tish markets-the ruinous and oppressive "duties existing, and likely to be increased, "on its imports and exports to Great Bri"tain-the difficulties attending its com"mercial intercourse with the American "States, whence many most essential ar"ticles necessary for carrying on the cul❝tivation of our properties, and for the "subsistence of the inhabitants of all de"scriptions, can alone be obtained; arising "from the prohibition to export any article of our staple productions, exceptum and mo"lasses, in American bottoms-and the pressure of a very heavy existing debt, for "which a high rate of interest is paid"render it altogether, totally impossible "for the people to pay such an enormous "amount of additional taxes, as would. "be necessarily required to support such "an expensive establishment." * This is the dispute, which has now been renewed; and, it behoves us to take care, that the "well-meaning" ministers do not excite an open rupture in this very tender part of His Majesty's dominions. Mark well the sentiment relative to the intercourse with the United States of America, whence "alone" subsistence and other essential articles can be obtained. Observe, that the assembly complains of the prohibition to export sugar and coffee directly to the United States in American bottoms. That is, the "well meaning" ministers have so wisely managed matters, as at once to excite discontent, and to embolden the discontented to complain of the hardships produced by the English navigation act! Is it not surprising, that a dispute of such a nature, and in such a colony, should have existed ever since the month of June, 1802, without having called forth any motion, any speech, or even any the most distant allusion, in either House of Parliament? Of the merits of the dispute between the governor and the assembly it. becomes no private individual hastily to offer an opinion; but, for the existence of the dispute, for so long a time, the ministers are See the whole of these proceedings, Register, Vol. II. p. 313 and 328; also p. 265. responsible; and one cannot but perceive, in their requisition to the assembly of Jamaica, another instance of that system of extorting the means of military defence without appli cation to parliament. Such was their conduct at Bristol, where the parishes rejected their proposition upon grounds similar to those urged by the Jamaica assembly.Another consideration is, if an additional number of troops are necessary at Jamaica, of which necessity there is little doubt, why are they not there? Why is not the means of maintaining them voted here? Is the colony to be left with an inadequate defence, during the continuation of the dispute? These are ques tions that will, probably, be asked in another place ere long; but assuredly, they ought even at this moment, to engage men's minds; for, is there any one who can tranquilly contemplate the consequences that may arise from a serious disturbance in Jamaica? Next to Ireland that island is our vulnerable point. Its revolt, or subjugation, might not be so speedily fatal to Great-Britain; but, the effect would be terrible; it would shake the empire to its very foundation; it would be.a signal of general defection; it would be justly regarded as the harbinger of our anni hilation as a great and independent power.~ The subject is of vast importance, and calls for immediate attention. FINANCE. In the present volume, p. 303, it was observed, that, in order to throw dust in the eyes of the public, another emiss sion of Exchequer Bills would be resorted to. This has already taken place, the bill is now in its progress through parliament for the emission of paper of this sort to the amount of 2,000,0001. and the pretext is, "to give time for the arrangement of the war taxes." What! to give time for the arrangement of taxes imposed in the month of June last! Surprizing! What arrangement can be wanted? What was there to do but to collect the taxes, which the parliament at the instance of the minister, thought it wise to impose? They bave not been collected. What is the reason? They cannot be collected. What is the reason? The minister said they could be collected. And is such a man, then, fit to be a minister of finance? Is such a man fit to be a nobleman's steward? Is he fit to be any thing requiring financial knowledge, even of the lowest, the very lowest descrip tion? And why do we, therefore, patiently bear his sway without any remonstrance, without any effort to remove him, withoat putting up one single prayer to our gracious Sovereign to commit his and our affairs to abler hands? While this is our conduct, we merit all the ruin that is falling upon our heads. Those who turn their minds to fi |