Georges with Joyau, called d'Assar, Saint | Proceedings in the Tribunate, relative to Vincent and Picot, went to receive this third debarkation: the whole assembled at the farm de la Poterie. A fourth landing was expected; the vessels were in sight, but contrary winds prevented them from approach ing a few days ago they were still making signals. Georges and Pichegru arrived at Paris, where they lodged in the same house surrounded by about 30 brigands, under the command of Georges; an interview took place between them and Morean: the place, the day, and the hoor, where the first conference was held, are known-a second was agreed on, hut did not take place; a third and a fourth took place, even in the house of General Moreau. The presence of Georges and Pichegru at Paris, these conferences with Gen. Moreau, are confirmed by incontestable and numerous proofs. Georges and Pichegru have been traced from house to house. Search has also been made for those who assisted at their landing; those who, under the cloud, conducted them from post to post; those who gave them an asylum at Paris: their confidants and accomplices. Lajollais, their principal agent, and General Moreau, are arrested; the effects and papers of Pichegru have been seized, and the police is employing the greatest activity to find him. England wished to overthrow our government, and by this overthrow to effect the ruin of France, to deliver it up to ages of civil war and confusion. But to overturn a government, maintained by the affection of thirty millions of citizens, and surrounded by a brave, powerful, and faithful army, was a task, not only superior to the strength of England, but of all Europe. England, therefore, had no hopes of accomplishing her design, but by the assassination of the First Consul, and by covering this assassination under the shadow of a man who was still protected by the remembrance of his services. I must add, that the gitizens need be under no uneasiness. The greater part of the brigands have been arrested; the rest have fled, and are closely pursued by the po lice. No suspicion attaches to any class of citizens, or to any branch of administration. I shall not give any further details in this re,port; you have seen all the papers; you will, therefore, give orders for their being laid before the eyes of justice.—Signed by the grand judge, minister of justice, REGNIER. Certified in due form, the secretary of state. the Conspiracy, on the 17th of February, 1804. The three Counsellors of the State read to the Assembly the above report; after which the President made a short speech, alluding to the plot, and concluded with declaring that they would all answer for the life of Buonaparté, which secured to France its glory and its prosperity. The President then proposed that the Tribunate should in a body wait on the First Consul, to express their detestation of the meditated attempt, and to congratulate him on his escape from the threatened danger, which was agreed to. When the President had declared the sitting at an end, General Moreau's brother requested leave to speak, which being granted, he addressed the Assembly as follows: You have heard the orators of government. You have this morning read the order of the day, published by the Governor of Paris. These two pieces are, in part, levelled against General Moreau. It inspires me with sentiments of the deepest grief, to find that attempts have been so long made to calumniate, a man who has rendered important services to the Republic, and who, at present, has not the liberty of defending himself. I declare to the whole nation that my brother is innocent of the atrocities imputed to him. Let him have an opportunity of justifying himself, and he will do it. I demand in his name, in my own, and in the name of his whole distressed family, that he may be brought to trial in the most formal manner. I demand that he may be tried only by a common tribunal: it will be easy for him to make his innocence appear. I declare that every thing which has been said is an infamous calumny. Curée, Our colleague's is a just emotion. Moreau. It is no fine emotion, it is the expression of truth and indignation. (He left the hall.) Curée. He has spoken for his brother, where is the honest mind that does not approve the emotion that led him to the tribune? A vast plan of conspiracy is denounced to the first authorities, to the nation, and is going to be denounced to the tribunals. The defence of General Moreau will have all the latitude, liberty, and publicity of which so great a cause is susceptible; but what ought you to do but to desire. and your desire I am sure is shared by the government, that the General may be cleared of the accusation which, interesting the internal and external security of the Republic ought to be weighed and decided upon, whatever be the services and reputation of the men implicated in them. Treilhard. The orator who preceded the tribune, who has just sat down, has satisfied what he thought due to the ties of blood which unite him to General Moreau. Were I not restrained by that consideration, and by the respect due to a citizen in a state of accusation, I should say that he was too hasty. If his sensibility had suffered him to hear calmly the report of the Grand Judge, he would have seen that the result was a reference of the whole to justice. Govern ment has been always too scrupulous an observer of law, for any one to have a right to suppose that they wish to swerve from it. Tho very eagerness they shew to inform you of what has passed, prove the value they attach to public opinion and yours. The progress of justice opposes the rendering the papers public now-they have been communicated to the Senate and Council of State, who are deliberating in secret. I shall add but one word-General Moreau, his relations, and friends, will have every latitude of defence; there is no one that does not strongly desire not to believe him guilty. (Adjourned.) - Speech of the Vice President of the Senate to the First Consul, 17th February, 1804. CITIZEN FIRST CONSUL, The Senate has been usually accustomed to wait upon you for the sole purpose of presenting their thanks for the glory to which you have elevated the republic, and for the wisdom and vigilance of your administration.This day they are brought hither by the profound indignation which is excited by the plot just discovered, and which the agents of England have instigated. It is afflicting for humanity to see the chiefs of a nation degrade themselves so far as to take the direction of assassination. They must indeed be weak, when they condemn themselves to so much infamy. The senate perceives, with sorrow, among the number of the accused, one of the most illustrious defenders of the country. The serious nature of the charge, and the existing circumstances, imperiously require the measures which have been adopted with respect to him. You have done what the safety of private citizens demand, by sendthe accused before the tribunals.-The wish of the Senate, Citizen First Consul, is, that you should yield less to that courage which despises all kinds of danger, and that you should not give up all your attention to public affairs, but that you should reserve a part for your personal safety, which is also that of the country. Consul's Answer.-Since I attained the supreme magistracy, a great many plots have been formed against my life. Educated in camps, I have never regarded as important, dargers which give me no fear-But I cannot avoid experiencing a deep and painful feeling, when I consider the situation in which this great nation would have been placed, if this last plot had succeeded; for it is principally against the glory, the liberty, and the destiny of the French people that the conspiracy was formed. I have long since renounced the hope of enjoying the pleasures of private life. All my days are employed in fulfiling the duties which my fate and the will of the French people have imposed on me.-Heaven will watch over France, and defeat the plots of the wicked. The citizens may be without alarm. My life will last as long as it shall be useful to the nation; but I wish the French people to understand, that existing without their confidence and affection, would be for nie without consolation, and would for them have no object. The Legislative Body and the Tribunare. The deputation of the Legislative Body being introduced, citizen Fontannes, the president, presented the deliberation of that body, in which the First Consul was felicitated on the discovery of a conspiracy which menaced the state and his person.— Citizen Fontannes made a speech to the First Consul, in the same manner as the president of the Senate.-The members of the Tribu. nate were next introduced to the First Consul, and their president, citizen Jaubert, read to him an address, in which there was nothing remarkable except the first sentence, viz." While we thought, citizen First Consul, that you had nothing to dread but the dangers of just war, the perfidy of the English government surrounded you with new snares: what a humiliating confession of its inability to combat with open arms the repairing genius of France! What a brilliant testimony of the intimate ties which connect you with the safety of the republic and the tranquillity of Europe!"— The First Consul replied to the deputation of the Legislative Body and the Tribunate, in nearly the same terms as to that of the Senate. * ༣ " } THRI because it meditated to repeat that crime which had failed on the 3d Nivose, had arrived by night, and in small bodies, to Belville, they have penetrated even to the ca pital. Georges and the ex-general Pichegru were at the head of them. Their approach had been invited by a man of consideration in our rank, by General Moreau, who was yesterday placed in the hands of the justice of the nation, Their project, afier having assassinated the First Consul, was to give up France to the horrors of a civil war, and to the terrible convulsions of counter revolution. The camps of Boulogne, Montreuil, Bruges, Saintes, Toulon, and Brest, the armies of Italy, Hanover, and Holland, were no longer to have commanded peace. Our glory was to have perished with our liberty. But all those plots have failed. Ten of those brigands are arrested-the ex-general Lajullais, the procurer of this infernal conspiracy, is in prison-the police is upon the point of taking Geerges and Pichegru.-A new debarkation of twenty of those brigands has now taken place; but they are surrounded with ambuscades, and will soon be taken. In these circumstances, so afflicting to the heart of the First Consul, we, soldiers of the nation, will be the first to make a shield for him with our bodies, and we will conquer his enemies and those of France, -Signed by MURAT, general commanding in chief at Paris, and CAESAR BERTHIER, chief of the staff. life of the First Consul is no longer in danger, Those dark machinations which threaten it, last but for a moment, and end in the shame and despair of their guilty authors. We, who are placed in the first rank in front of that hostile nation, we will be the shield of the hero. One only thought, one only feeling animates us all, and that is to defend that life, upon which the glory, prosperity, and happiness of France, as well as the ho nour of the French name, depends. The report of the Grand Judge, the Minister of Justice, will lay open to you the whole plan of this horrible conspiracy. Signed, the Commander in Chief, SouLT. Address of the Sailors of the right Wing of the National Flotilla to the First Consul. Ostend, 21 Feb 1804. CITIZEN FIRST CONSUL, An odious nation has planned, with wicked secrecy, the blackest of crimes, to remove from its own head that just chastisement which its perfidy has provoked; but the tutelary genius of France has baffled its conspiracies, an preserved the life of the hero, that it arms for our defence, and preserves for our happiness. Does not the baseness of the means employed by this nation of assassins discover to the universe its weakness, its fears, and its cowardice? Citizen First Consul, the mili tary and civil officer, and the crews of the right wing of the national flotilla, hasten tɔ express to you their surprize and indignation, at seeing that Frenchman, that even general Moreau himself, could be associated with those cowardly islanders, and with Picsegru and Georges, to replunge as in the horrors of anarchy, by a crime the most atrocious, by the assassination of a hero, to whom we have for ever vowed gratitude, devotion, and fidelity. Citizen First Consul, we wait, with impatience, for the moment when you shall proclaim the hour of vengeance.Signed, by CHARLES MAGOR, Rear Admiral, NEYNNE, Captain, &c. &c. Boulogne, 19 Feb. 1804. SOLDIERS. Your attitude, your labours, and your vigilance, made England tremble. Despairing of being able to resist the impulse of your courage, and the ascendancy of the First Consul's genius, the British government, accustomed to crimes, formed the most perfidious plots, and intended to accomplish them by the most odious instruments. The life of the First Consul was threatened, the better to succeed in those projects of iniquity, to the disgusting remains of the Vendée, were joined meu who had formerly figured in our ranks, and we have seen, united under the same banner, George and Lajullais, Moreau and Pichegru. But the plot has failed. France will complete its high destinies, and Bonaparte will live to secure them. The conspirators are either ariested or have fled. Moreau is arrested; Lajullais is in prison a the police is follow-excited little of the public attention; it ing the footsteps of George and Pichegru. A great number of those perverse and hired brigands are now in the power of justice, and in a short time it will have overtaken the impure remnant of this band, which is now dispersed. Soldiers, dismiss all fear! the DOMESTIC OFFICIAL PAPERS. The treatment received by the British creditors in the French funds, has hitherto has been supposed by some to be a subject involving the interests of a few individuals enly; a plain statement of facts will shew that the honour of the nation is as much implicated in it as the interests of its subjects. The commercial and pecuniary transac tions between Great Britain and France during the monarchy and the first three years of the revolution, (before the war broke out,) in which period the debts at present due to British individuals from the French government originated, took their rise from the commercial treaty of 1786. It was at that time thought by the legislature, conducive to the interests of the nation, to encourage and guarantee transactions of that nature, by the utmost protection they could derive from the faith of nations solemnly pledged. The second article of the treaty is as follows:-" For the future security of commerce and friendship be"tween the subjects of their said Majes"ties, and to the end that this good correspondence may be preserved from all in"terruption and disturbance, it is con"cluded and agreed, that if at any time "there shall arise any misunderstanding, "breach of friendship, or rupture, between "the crowns of their Majesties, which "God forbid, (which rupture shall not be "deemed to exist until the recalling or sending home of the respective ambas"sadors and ministers,) the subjects of "each of the two parties residing in the "dominions of, the other, shall have the "privilege of remaining and continuing their trade therein, without any manner "of disturbance, so long as they behave "peaceably, and commit no offence against "the laws and ordinances; and in case "their conduct should render them sus"pected, and the respective governments "should be obliged to order them to re"move, the term of twelve months shall be "allowed them for that purpose, in order that they may remove with their effects "and property, whether entrusted to in❝dividuals or to the state. At the same time it is to be understood, that this fa"your is not to be extended to those who "shall act contrary to the established "laws."--The British subjects, who, in pursuance of this treaty, have, unfortunately for themselves, entrusted their property to individuals or the state in France, have incurred some degree of obloquy from persons, who it must be supposed were ignorant of the hrovisions of this treaty. Such persons will see, by the perusal of the above article, that they must withdraw that censure, unless they have the presumption to extend it to the legis lature of that time, and the great statesmen then at the head of his Majesty's government, who did all in their power to promote the intercourse, now reprobated, between the two countries.--It never was contended here, or in France, that the new govern. ment which arose at the revolution, was not bound by the treaties of the old one. The manner in which the French government executed this article of the commercial treaty, when a misunderstanding arose between the two countries, was by throwing all the British subjects in France into prison, and sequestering all their property. Was it not incumbent on the British government, when peace was restored, to provide that its subjects should not suffer by so flagrant a breach of treaty? The legislature and ministry of that time at least thought so. They immediately, as a measure of retaliation, sequestered all the French property here: for what end, unless to insure a inutual restoration, and recipro cal justice? According to this principle the late ministry uniformly acted. When a negotiation for the restoration of peace took place at Lisle, in the year 1797, Lord Malinsbury delivered the projet of a treaty to the French negotiators, of which the following was the eighteenth article:"All sequestrations imposed by any of the parties named in this treaty, on the " rights, properties, or debts of individuals "belonging to any other of the said par"ties, shall be taken off; and the pro"perty of whatever kind shall be restored 66 in the fullest manner to the lawful owner, or just compensation be made for it." It then provides for the decision of all questions of property between individuals in the regular courts of justice; and concludes thus: "And if any complaint should "arise respecting the execution of this ar"ticle, which complaint shall not be set"tled by mutual agreement between the "respective governments within twelve "months after the same shall have been "preferred to them, the same shall be "determined by sworn commissioners, to "be appointed on each side, with power "to call in an arbitrator of any indifferent "nation; and the decision of the said com"missioners shall be binding, and without "appeal." This article was one of the few that remained unobjected to by the French government; but, unfortunately for the British creditors, the negotiation broke off on other points.- -The preliminaries of the late peace were signed October 1st, 1801.. The twelfth article is as follows "All sequestrations imposed by either of "the parties on the funded property, reve"nues, or debts of any description, belong"ing to either of the contracting powers, or "their subjects or citizens, shall be taken "off immediately after the signature of the definitive treaty." It proceeds to provide for the decision of disputes between individuals by the competent tribunals of the respective countries; and concludes thus: "It is agreed moreover, that this article, immediately after the ratification of the de"finitive treaty, shall apply to the allies of "the contracting parties, and to the indivi"duals of the respective nations, upon the "condition of a just reciprocity."When the preliminary treaty was published, the British creditors had reason to regret, that the execution of this article in their favour was not secured, as was proposed in the former negotiation, by the appointment of commissioners to decide on their claims, in case the French government should be indisposed to do them justice. But, upon the whole, they were satisfied that their own government would support them in the prosecution of their rights, as they did not imagine that by the condition of a just reciprocity could be understood, that the French creditor in the English funds should receive his whole property, principal and interest, undiminished; and that the English creditor, in the French funds, should receive such a proportion only as the arbitrary and unjust government of France should be pleased to bestow on them, which has turned out to be, as might be expected in the latter case, nothing at all. The English creditors. thought themselves under the protection of their own government, as they had a right to be, and not the unprotected victims of a foreign despotism. They met, and appointed a committee, who waited on Lord Hawkesbury, to request and claim that protection in the ensuing negotiation at Amiens. -Lord Cornwallis began the conferences with J. Buonaparté, the French plenipotentiary, at Amiens, in January, 1802.-In the conference of the 19th of January, (29 Nivôse,) as stated in the protocol, or official document, published by the French government, "Lord Cornwallis demanded that the "article relative to the sequestrations should "be inserted literally in the definitive "treaty as it stood in the preliminaries, and "in the projet presented by his government. "He observed, that the additional clause of the French contre-projet, which says, that English creditors in France cannot " be more favoured than the French them"selves, would be prejudicial to the English "nation, in as much as the English govern. "ment had not touched the property, effects, "or funds, of any Frenchman; that of France, on the contrary, had seized all that the English had in France, and had "made only imaginary reimbursements. Whatever right the French government "had to proceed in this manner towards "French citizens, according to the law of "circumstances, it could not so dispose of what belonged to the English citizen." From this extract we see, that the idea of treating the British creditors in the French funds on the footing of Frenchmen, and thereby setting aside the just reciprocity" stipulated for in the preliminary treaty, originated in a contre-projet of the French government, and that it was resisted by Lord Cornwallis, as so unjust and degrading a proposition deserved. It appears by the subsequent proceedings, that it was successfully resisted; for in the same protocol it is stated, that France renounced, among many others, this article of her contre-projet and it is further stated in the protocol of the 6th of March," that the ministers of the French Republic and his Britannic Majesty having met, Citizen J. Buonaparté presented the "note and projet following: The undersigned has removed from this projet, every 66 thing that might protract the discussions : "it is composed, first, of articles taken li"terally from the preliminaries; they are "unattackable." Among these the twelfth article of the preliminary treaty is named; and the fourteenth article of the French projet is as follows: "all the sequestered property placed on either side in the funds, revenues, and trusts, of whatever sort they may be, belonging to any one of the contracting powers, or to its citizens and sub"jects, shall be delivered up immediately. "after the signature of this definitive treaty." 66 Thus was the proposition of treating the British creditors on the same footing with Frenchmen, brought forward by the French plenipotentiary at Amiens, rejected by Lord Cornwallis, and given up by J. Buonaparté; yet most unaccountably, when the definitive treaty was concluded, the last clause of the article respecting the mutual restoration of sequestered property was left out. The words omitted are these: "It is agreed moreover, "that the article, immediately after the ra"tification of the definitive treaty, shall ap"ply to the allies of the contracting parties, "and to the individuals of the respective na"tions, upon the condition of a just recipro city.""--The immediate consequence of the signature of the definitive treaty to the French creditor in the English funds was, the restitution of his principal, and the payment of all arrears of interest, in pursuance of it. The English creditors demanded the same justice, and the same execution of the treaty at Paris. In answer to this demand, M. Talleyrand informed them, that the treaty of Amiens had no relation to their |