land, will Mr. Dick say, that they ought not to be informed, not only of the present state of the currency of their country, but of its probable fate? Why are they to be led on in the dark to the moment of their ruin? Sound policy, which is seldom or never at variance with sound morality, dictates, that the affairs of the Irish bank, that every fact relating to Irish currency, should be laid bare as soon as possible. The ministers and the bankers have, indeed, no desire to see this publicity take place; but, at the present moment, their interest appears to be quite distinct from the interests of the community.-But, there is another, and most powerful reason for inquiring into the state of both the Irish and English currency; namely, to ascertain the degree of blame, which, in this respect attaches to the minister. He seemed to sit in the House of Commons an unconcerned auditor of the debate on Irish paper, the burden of which devolved upon Mr. Corry, who only said, that there was no remedy for the evil:hat can't be cur'd, must be endur'd." Does the Doctor, however, in good earnest, imagine, that be has no concern in this matter? And, that his responsibility is thus to be got rid of by the pronouncing of an old rhyming maxim? Does he hope, that the parliament and the nation. will always be so put off? He will, perhaps, say, that the depreciation of the paper has not been the consequence of his measures. It may be so; but, it happens in his hands. The event takes place during the administration, into which he voluntarily entered. He did not devise the measure of bank restriction, for instance; but he has persevered in it, and that too during peace as well as during war. There can be no doubt that the stoppage of cash payments is the immediate cause of the depreciation of the bank paper, and no one will, or can, deny, that the Doctor has proeured laws to be passed to authorize this stoppage. The question is not, whether the depreciation could have been avoided, or not, by any measures that could have been adopted, since the accession of the Doctor? but, simply, whether it has taken place, or not, or has, in any degree, increased, during his administration? Like the tenant of a house (as he literally is, indeed, the tenant of the Treasury) he is called upon, and we have a right to call upon him, for every due and duty attached to it, though accruing previous to his entering into it. He willingly snatched at the power and emolument attached to the

office of minister; and, did he not take the responsibility along with them? The responsibility, not only for what was began, but for what was continued, during his administration? Either he approved of the financial system of his predecessor, or he disapproved of it: if the latter, why did he not abandon it? and, if the former, where will he now find a reason whereon to ground his right of exemption from its consequences? If Mr. Pitt's financial measures were such as necessarily tended to produce a depreciation of bank paper, and, of course, the destruction, or total suspension, of all public credit, it was the duty of his successor to institute a parliamentary inquiry, and to bring him to a due responsibility for his conduct; and, if Mr. Pitt's financial measures had not such a tendency, if they did not necessarily lead to the depreciation of bank paper, that depreciation must be attributed to the Doctor, and all the responsibility falls upon him. To admit of the contrary principle, to allow the Doctor to justify himself upon the plea that he had nothing to do with the cause, and Mr. Pitt to justify himself upon the plea that he has nothing to do with the effect, would be to render ministerial responsibility something worse than farcical. The supposition puts one in mind of the two "well-meaning " men and the leg of mutton, mentioned in the fable. The tallest took it, and gave it to the shortest; and, when the butcher called upon them for responsibility, the shortest swore he did not take it, and the tallest swore he had not got it. The reader will remember, and Mr. Addington will do well not to forget, the consequences that ensued. In quitting this topic, it seems necessary just to notice a debate, which took place in the House of Lords, on the 5th instant, upon the motion for going into a committee upon the Irish bank restriction bill. observations of lords King, Grenville, and Auckland shall be more fully dwelt upon another time; but, it is impossible to resist, for one moment, the temptation to refer to "consolatory" statement, made by that "solid and safe politician", Lord Hawkesbury, who, in order to prove (mind to prove), that the increase of paper did not tend to drive hard money out of the country, stated, from the book of the sprightly Mr. Chalmers, or that of the no less sprightly Mr. George Rose, that, since the reign of William and Mary inclusive, there had been coined at the mint, money to the

a

Some

amount of £95,000,000 sterling, and that of this sum, £64,000,000 had been coined during the reign of his present Majesty, and of that £64,000,000 there had been coined £32,000,000 within the last twenty years.-Well! And what then?

How

does this prove, that paper does not drive the gold out of the country, unless you can prove, that there is all this gold in the country now? Really, if one did not know the contrary, one would believe, that this statement had been brought forward to prove exactly the contrary of what it was intended to prove; for, if, within these twenty years there has been a coinage to the amount of £32,000,000, and if there be scarcely a guinea left in the country, is it not a pretty clear proof, that the paper has driven out the gold, especially when it is admitted, that, before the great increase of paper, gold was the chief currency of the country, and that there was then plenty of coin in circulation, though the coinage was not a fifth part so great? Little, then, is the "consolation", which men of even ordinary understandings will derive from the statement of his lordship, who bids us "wallow naked in December's snow by "barely thinking of the summer's heat;" who displays before us the goodly and glittering hoards, which have issued from the Tower, and which we have had the folly to exchange for promissory notes which the promisers are not obliged to pay!

IRISH GOVERNMENT. On the 7th instant, a motion was made, in the House of Commons, by Sir John Wrottesley, for the House to go into a committee, "to in"vestigate the conduct of the Irish go"vernment, relative to the affair of the

23d of July last." Upon this motion there was a very long and interesting debate, which was opened in very good manner by the mover, who was supported by Mr. Canning, Lord Temple, General Tarleton, Mr. Fox, Mr. Windham, Lord de Blaquiere, Dr. Laurence, and Mr. Grey. The speakers on the ministerial side were Lord Castlereagh, Mr. Archdall, Mr. York, Mr. Tierney, the Attorney General, and the Doctor. To analyse this debate would be impossible in the space now be fore me; I shall, therefore, confine my remarks, at present, to what was said relative to the conduct of Lord Redesdale, which, indeed, was by far the most important part of the discussion, though every part of it was important.-Mr. Canning, the whole of whose speech discovered very great powers both of conception and of utterance, said, that "all the Ca

gislator, and the highest as a legal magis"trate, and that he should be appointed to "preside in the place where that anti"quated doctrine could do effectual mis"chief. He did not say it was a fault, but "it certainly was a great misfortune, that "such a person, with such sentiments, "should be placed in such a station. He "could not think it likely that Ireland "should be tranquil. He could not think "it likely that these pictures of quietness, "contentment, and happiness, which had "been so gratuitously afforded to the "House, and so diligently laid before it, "that the rebellion was at an end for ever "that the principle on which it was fo"mented was destroyed-that Ireland was, "by the rooting out of prejudices, become

66

one body of harmony in temper and "united in object: he could entertain no "hopes of this nature, if the policy was to "be that which he had just alluded to. He "was not bringing that to which this policy "related, now before the House: he "would give government credit for their "intention to do away all animosity in "in Ireland; but when he saw a minister "of the government there, the highest in "legal authority, he did not say that this was to be considered, nor did he state it as a fire-brand which threatened the country with destruction, but he did state, that great officer as enjoying the "full confidence and a great portion of the

it is more than probable, that Mr. Long and Mr. Pitt would say he was imprudent.— In the debate of the 7th instant, none of the mini ters attempted to defend the "truly great cha acter." Neither Lord Castlereagh, nor Mr. Yorke, nor the Doctor, said a word in reply to the remarks that were made on his conduct. Mr. Archdale said, a few words, but the tendency of them was, to disclaim, on the part of the government, the senti-ments promulgated by Lord Redesdale. "He regretted,' he said, "that this Cor"respondence had been brought before the "public. He deprecated any discussion on "the subject. It was a subject unfit, in his "opinion, for discussion in this, or, he was "almost disposed to say, in any other public place. He did not think it fair to hold up "the opinions delive ed even by the greatest "law officer in Ireland, as necessarily the opi"nion of the government. The animus of the government, as a right honourable gentle.

man had termed it, could not be derived "from this source. The Lord Chancellor "of Ireland might be a great man in his "own department, and might render the 66 government essential service. It struck " him, however, that law characters should "interfere as little as possible with politics. "Their interference might often be incon"venient, and seldom useful."--This was n't amiss, at a moment when, out of twelve persons sitting upon the Treasury bench, ten were what is called bred to the law; a circumstance, which Mr. Archdale certainly overlooked.Even the Attorney-General, the brother-in-law of Lord Redesdale, did not attempt to justify the sentiments contained in that amiable nobleman's" inexorable homilies. He insisted, that when the Lord Chancellor was about to sign a commission of the peace for a Roman Catholic nobleman, it was a proper enough time to remind him of his duties as a subject, and to endeavour to guard him against that misuse of it, which he might otherwise have fallen into. This recalls to mind what some one said upon the subject at first: that the amiable nobleman gave this commission of the peace as parents give fair-day money to their children, that is, accompanied with caution upon caution not to make themselves sick; but, the comparison does not held; for in the present instance, it is the 'cautions that have the bauseating quality, and that have, accordingly, disgusted and disordered a whole nation.ge

VOLUNTEER TEER SYSTEM.—Since the date of the last Register, Register the bill for consolidating the Volunteer acts has been discussed in a committee of the whole house. There is not time to notice the alterations and ar

rangements that have been made in it; but, one suggestion of Mr. Pitt's must not he passed over even for a moment. He wished for some regulation to obviate the inconve nience, that must arise from persons pre▼nting their servants and apprentices entering into, or attending their duty in, Volunteer corps; observing, that farmers and manufac urers erreneurly supposed, that they had a right to all the time and labour of their servants and apprentices! Why really, this is Robert Shallow, Esq. the second. What! prevent men from having the command of their servants and apprentices! And yet oppose, at the same time, the notions of democrats and jacobins ? And yet call up n us to fight for the preservation of the constitution? And yet tell us that the volunteer system is intended to prevent the invasion of property, the subversion of the laws, the dissolution of all the bands of so. ciety? These projects, these innovations, these new and daring notions and schemes: this is what I dread in Mr. Pitt, whose great mind seems to be upon the rack to discover some captivating novelty, something that shall di compose the who e fabrick, in order that he may have the merit of putting it together agair. But, it would be curious to know, by what means Mr. Pitt would accomplish his object? If he compel me to permit my servant to be a volunteer, that is to say, to dispense with great part of his service; if he make my servant, in some sort, my master, will he prevent me from discharging the said ser vant; will he compel me to remain in this sort of servitude myself? And, if he will not suffer me to discharge him, beuse he is a volunteer, how will he prevent me from discharging him because he has black hair, or because his complexion, or countenance does not please me? Those, indeed, who are so unfortunate as to have apprentices cannot so easily escape the provisions that may be enacted upon this subject; but, before any such provisions are introduced, let us hope, that Parliament will duly consider the consequences that may result from them. I dislike the volunteer system for many reasons, but for none more, than because it is a ground work, which Mr. Pitt is continually erecting some dangerous inno vation: nothing else seems to be of any importance in his eyes: the situation of Ire land, the ruinous aspect of public credit, subjects heretofore apparently so near to his heart, do not now even attract his notice : the volunteers! the volunteers! that new and numerous body of armed men, is the only object of his care.

FOREIGN OFFICIAL PAPERS.

DOCUMENTS RELATIVE TO THE CONSPI

RACY DISCOVERED AT PARIS.

Report of the Grand Judge, Minister of Justice, to the Government, 17th February, 1804.

Citizen First Consul-New plots have been hatched by England; this was the case even amidst the peace which she swore to maintain, and when she violated the treaty of Amiens, she counted less on her strength than on the success of her machinations. But government was vigilant; the steps of the agents of the enemy were followed by the eye of justice: the people of London were no doubt expecting to hear the explosion of that mine which had been dug under our feet. At any rate, the most ominous reports were spread, and they were indulging the most criminal hopes; on a sudden the agents of the conspiracy were arrested; proofs have accumulated, and they are so strong and so evident, that they carry with them convictions to every mind. Georges and his band of assassins had remained in the pay of England; their agents were still traversing La Vendée, Morbilian, the Côtes du Nord, and were, endeavouring, but in vain, to find partisans of whom they were deprived by the moderation of government and of the laws.-Fichegru, unmasked by the events which preceded the 18th of Fructidor, year 5, (Sept. 5, 1797), and unveiled, in particular, by that correspondence which General Moreau had addressed to the directory, had carried with him to England his hatred against his country. In the year eight he and Villot were in the train of the armies of our enemies, in order to unite with the brigands of the South. In the year nine he conspired with the committee of Bareath, and since the peace of Amiens he has still been the hope and the counsellor of the enemies of France. The British perfidy associated Georges with Pichegru, the infamous Georges with that, Pichegru whom France had esteemed, whom she wished for a long time to consider as incapable of treachery! In the year eleven a criminal reconciliation united Pichegru and Moreau, two men between whom honour ought to place eternal hatred. The police seized at Calais one of their agents, at the moment when he was returning a second time from England. This man had in his possession documents which confirmed the reality of a reconciliation at that time inexplicabic, had not the bonds which united them been formed by criminality. On the arrest of th's agent General Moreau appeared for a moment to be agi

(ated. He took some private steps to ascertain whether government was informed of it; but it was passed over in silence, and he himself, when he recovered his tranquillity, concealed from government an event which could not but awaken its vigilance. He observed silence even when Pichegru was publicly admitted into the councils of the British ministry, when he united in a notorious manner with the enemies of France. Government was disposed to consider his silence as arising from the dread of a confession, which would have humbled him, as it considered his retirement from public affairs, his suspicious connexions, and his imprudent language, as the effect of peevishness and discontent. General Moreau, who could not fail of being suspected, . since he maintained a secret correspondence with the enemies of his country, and who, in consequence of this suspicion, which was too, well founded, would at any other period have been arrested, was suffered to enjoy in tranquillity his honours, an immense fortone, and the kindness of the republic. Events, however, rapidly succeeded each other: Lajollais, the friend and confidant of Pichegru, went privately from Paris to London, returned to. Paris carried to Pichegru the ideas of Gene-. ral Moreau-carried back to Moreau the ideas and designs of Pichegru and his asso.. ciates; the brigands of Georges were preparing, even in Paris, every thing that was necessary for the execution of their common designs. A place was assigned between Dieppe and Treport, at a distance from molestation or the eye of vigilance, where the brigands of England, brought over in English ships, landed without being observed, and where they found corrupted men to receive them-men paid to conduct them during the night from fixed stations, previously agreed on, and thus to convey to Paris.- -At Paris lurking places were procured for them in houses med beforehand, where they bad confidants to protect them: they bad some of these in different quarters and streets at Chaillot, in the Rue de Bacq, in the Fauxbourg St. Marceau, in the Marais. A first debarkation was effected, consisting of Georges himself, and eight of his brigands. Georges returned to the coast to assist at the landing of Coster St. Victor, condemned by a sentence passed in the affair of Nivôse 3, and of ten other brigands. In the commencement of the present month a third landing was effected, it consisted of Pichegru, Lajollais, Armand, Gaillard, brother of Raould, John Marie, one of the first confidants of Georges, and some other brigands of the same stamp;

them