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opposing the government, at the same time I wisely calculated to conciliate all parties that he left them exposed to public scorn, l aud « to prove to Europe a lasting bond of and that, Ivo, principally for being unable “ peace;' nor did he consign himselt to to extricate themselves from difficulties, into everlasting ridicule, by extolling the “ eswhich he himself had assisted to lead them. “ tablishment of the infant republic of the Mr. Windhain, “ disapproving of the prin “ Seven Islands, as an acquisition of an im“ cipal measures of Mr. Addington," never “ portance to this country, not inferior to would have had the prudence, not only to 6 The possession of Malta itself.” Mr. Wind. conceal his disapprobation, from September ham, had he been minister of finance, would to June, but also to consent, in the mean have been too prudent to obtain from the tme, to enter the cabinet with that same legislature an act to release the Bank from Mr. Addington; and, if he had so com the penalties at ending its advancing money pletely subdued his feelings and disguised to the government without the sanction of his opinions for so long a time I am sure he Parliament. In such a measure Mr. Windo would not have suffered them to break ham would have seen the distant cause of forth just after the failure of a negotiation | paper depreciation, of the destruction of for his return to place. Mr. Windham, public credit, and of ministerial indepenwhenever, unfortunately for his country, his dence of both the Parliament and the health shall not, for a long period, permit | Crown. Well knowing, that the existence him to attend his duty in Parliament, will of the State is in ieparable from that of tlie not, I am afraid, through the means either of Church, Mr. Windham would never have prudence or discretion, be able, all at once, procured a law to alienate, in part, the to take up in him the arduous duties of a property of the latter, thereby undermining cabinet.minister, including those of a mem- one of the principal pillars of that constiber of Parliament. Yes, I allow, that Mr.
tution, to preserve which we are now called Windham, thinking it right to move for an on to spend our last shilling, and to shed inquiry relative to the insurrection in Dub. our last drop of blood. Mr. Windham is, Im, would not have had the prudence to ad. | by Mr. Pitt, said to be warm, sanguine, vise his partisans to vote for the motion, and enthusiastic in his pursuits; but, I will while he himself shrunk from the discus venture to say, that he would have been too sion. All this, and more too, I am ready to cautious and prudent to have boasted pre. allow; but, while I thus unequivocally and maturely of the wondrous effects of a upreservedly acknowledge, that, in these “ solid system of finance," and afterwards respects, Mr. Windham would have dis have converted that system into an instria covered a want of prudence and discretion, ment of destruction to a fund, on the alleit will, I hope, be permitted me to state viating operations of which he had pledged certain other cases, in which he has, or his own fame and the faith of the country. would have had, a sufficiency of prudence Mr. Windham, convinced of the truth if and discretion. He was too prudent to be the maxim, that “ honesty is the best pean advocate for parliamentary reform at all, " policy," would have been too prudeni to and, if he had been, I am persuaded he call upon Parliament to impose what is never would have broached principles and called a restriction upon the Bank, but opinions that would afterwards have been which is, in reality, a protection to the pleaded as an example to, and in justifica. Bank in with holding payment of its protion of, persons accused of high treason, | missory notes; and, if, in a moment of ac. persons brought to trial, too, under his own cumulated difficulty, he had been prevailed administration. Mr. Windham would not upon to adopt so unwise and su fatal a meahave had the imprudence to name Mr. Ad. sure, which he had afterwards handed down dington and his colleagues for ministers, to a feeble creature that he himself had still less likely is he to have had the indis- chosen for his successor, will any man becretion to eulogize them severally and lieve, that, at a moment when that feebie jointly in the Parliament; but, had he done | creature was sinking under the growing so, certain I am, that he never would, at a burden so placed upon his shoulders, and subsequent epoch, have pretended to enl when members from every part of the tertain doubts of their fitness to act in a ca. Huse were ringing in his ears the depre. binet with himself. Mr. Windham did not ciation of his paper and the diminution defend either the preliminaries of London of their fortunes; will any man who knous or the treaty of Amiens, and, of course, he Mr. Windhain, believe, thai, al such a mo; was not so short-sighted and indiscreet as ment and under such circumstances, le to expatiate with high-sounding piaise on would have sat a silent, and, apparently in the provision relative to Malta, as being | indifferent, nicat to say a grurified, specialur
the scene? To conclude; the More Accu- | or name any terms which he himself or his rate Observer has spoken of the “chivalrous imperial master did not dictate. What « nature" of Mr. Windham; and, if by then was their policy to put the intelligence chivalrous he means, generous, faithful, and into the fire, and keep their own counsel brave, the epithet is assuredly the most fit whilst they subscribed to the ignominious that could possibly have been chosen; but, concessions of the preliminary treaty, renif he wishes to convey an idea of that empty dered tenfold more ignominious afterwards, vanity, that braggart enthusiasm, which is by their sanction of a departure from many inspired by Cockney wine and hyperbolical of its best and most defensible points ? No: praise from the lips of hired singers, then | this would have been something like a bold call upon him to point out the time when measure, and therefore, not in harmony with Mr. Windham could so far forget his rank their creed. Too tender-hearted to agitate and his character.
the public mind unnecessarily, and too I should now enter on my last proposed anxious for peace on any terms to risk ofpoint; to wit; the Parliamentary conduct of | fending the august plenipotentiary they conMr. Pitt; but want of room obliges me to verted that into a bribe for a national disdeter it till my next, for which, indeed, I grace, of which they might have availed am not sorry, as the delay will afford me an themselves to secure a national advantage. opportunity of introducing some remarks on They liberally and candidly imparted the the Plain REPLY, and on the pamphlet of information to Mr. Citizen Otto, and urged MR. WARD.
the probability of the public disapproval of the terms should their promulgation be de
layed till after the arrival of the Egyptian TO THE EDITOR
news, as a plea for accelerating the signa'SIR,I am aware of your respect for the ture of the preliminary treaty. That this is good intentions of our present rulers, although fact, literal aod uovarnished, I do not you may occasionally dissent from their ge- / wish to rest upon anonymous assertion. Let neral line of policy. To confirm you in the question of its authenticity be put to these sentiments of approval of open and Mr. St. John, brother-in-law to Mr. Otto. fair dealing, I beg leave to state a plain sim- 1 He cannot, will not deny it. He will acple matter of fact, (but partially known) 1 kpowledge, that he is not only acquainted upon which very little comment will be ne with the fact, but that he was privy to this cessary. You will, I think, agree with me, most unnatural transaction at the period of that the policy of these cautious, well-mean- | its occurrence, I am, Sir, yours, ing gentlemen is, at least, as apparent io this March 2, 1804.
LE Voici. transaction as their good intentions.-Pending the extra-official negotiation for peace between the French Commissary for
TO THE RIGHT HON. LORD REDESDALE. the exchange of prisovers and our Secretary MY LORD, I cannot refrain from coinof State for Foreign Affairs, government re municating to your lordship a few observaceived private intelligence of the successful tions on your correspondence with the Earl issue of the Egyptian campaign. This you of Fingall and the Rev. Dr. Coppinger, would naturally be led to suppose was con. Your lordship, in making mention of the sidered as a most fortunate and opportune late Dr. Hussey, to Lord Fingall, could not occurrence, that would enable ministers to at the time have recollected, that one of the extend their pretensions and to combat for first precepts of Christianity is not to speak better terms. But no, Sir, this might have ill of the dead. In your answer to the Rev. been very beneficial to the public interest; Dr. Coppinger, you appear, my Lord, to but it would have been a stumbling-block | be so firmly resolved to continue in error, to our cautious, disinterested, and well- | that you even seem to consider the Rev. Mr. meaning ministers. Had the country been O'Neil's justification of himself as a most acquainted with the intelligence, a clamour unpardonable crime. Indeed, your lord. more general even than that which did arise, ship shews such a peevishness and fresfulwould have been excited by our too great ness of temper, both to Lord Fingal and concessions. Lord Hawkesbury would have Dr. Coppinger, whenever they presume to been compelled to dance atiendance upon - disagree with you, that I deem it a hopeless * Mr. Otto some months longer, or the citi- | task to attempt to set your lordship right. I zen would have broken off all communica- cannot, my Lord, give you a stronger proof Lion with them; and have shut his office of the sincere and steady loyalty of the Roar door in the face of the cringing bevy, had man Catholics of Ireland, than that it has Whey presumed to increase in their demands, ' remained uodiminished or unshaken, not
withstanding your lordship's theological cor- rate this assertion, I will relate an anecdote respondence. - Your lordship's appointment which I know to be a fact. Soon after the to your present exalted station, was, in my breaking out of the present war, the Bishop, opinion, as great a misfortune to yourself as (a French Bishop) who then superintended to this unbappy country.- As Solicitor or the spiritual concerns of the French in this Attorney-General, or even as Speaker of the kingdom, requested permission of governHouse of Commons, you might, my lord, ment to send down a French priest to the have passed with some degree of approba assistance of about 2,000 French prisoners tion, Had you occupied either of the above | who were confined at Stapleton near Brissituations, till the day of your death, you | tol. He was answered categorically in the might possibly, have been regretted as a negative ; and upon demanding an explamost worthy, though not as a brilliant, nation, he was informed, that these men mao, But, my Lord, I regard it as a real could not be allowed any spiritual assistance misfortune to your lordship, that it should but from a clergyman of tbe establisbed cburch! have pleased our most Gracious Sovereign to Such a spirit, Mr. Cobbett, reminds one of place you at the head of the Chancery of the apostolical labours of Cortez and Pizarro, Ireland. I shall conclude, my Lord, with a which inspired the Indians with such a horverse of Voltaire's, in his Henriad, in speak ror of the Christian religion, that some of ing of Henry the Third, he says,
I them declared they would not run the risk " Tel brille au second rang qui s'éclipse au premier, of going to a heaven where they might « Il devint lâche Roi intrépide Guerier."
chance to meet with Spaniards. But, to I am, my Lord, your lordship's most
proceed in my narrative ; an English Cathoobedient humble servant,
lic clergyman resident in Bristol, who is AN IRISH ROMAN CATHOLIC,
well known and respected there, conceiving Drogbela, 4tb Marcb, 1804.
this prohibition to arise from a distrust, go
yernment might entertain of the French TO THE EDITOR.
priests, very charitably offered his ser
vices to attend these prisoners, and, indeed, . SIR,-The perusal of Lord Redesdale's | very urgently solicited governmeut to this answer to Dr. Coppinger in your Political effect, but all to no purpose. The French Register, instantly brought to my recollec- Bishop then returned to the charge, and tion the fable of the wolf and the lamb; for after repeated solicitations has at length obhis lordship must have been strangely at a tained leare to send down a French priest. loss how to pick a quarrel with the good there at his own expense, but on condition, bishop, when he determined to break with, it is said, I hope, incorrectly, that he sbould him for calling the Rev. Mr. O'Neil's narra- | not attend the prison, but only the hospital, tive 1 an hun ble remonstrance," whereas and with this express injunction, that he this is only the name by which this much should not be admitted to see a sick prisoner injured man has thought proper to entitle it! till he was become speechless !!! Now it himself. It is just as if, Mr. Cobbett, his | is well known, that ihe chief consolation of lordship were to quarrel with me for calling the Catholic on bis death bed, is to disburyour valuable publication « the Political | then his conscience to a priest of his comRegister," because he would contend, per- munion, who, if he believes him to be haps, that it contained sentiments contrary truly penitent, absolves him in the name of to sound policy and good government. | his God nearly in the same form of words However, I will venture to assert, in behalf , which is put down in the Book of Comof his lordship, that his former exertions in mon Prayer. The absurdity therefore of favour of English Catholics prove, that he such an injunction, would force a smile, has not always possessed his present intole | were it not instantly checked by the unparalsaat way of thinking, and the illiberal prin- lelled barbarity of the proceeding. We ciples he now professes. That the same read, indeed, in history, sometimes with spirit of intolerance pervades every part of horror, of persons being denied all the the present administration, I could pro comforts of religion at their last hour ; duce too many melancholy proofs. I have but for the honour of humanity, such inlately heard from unquestionable authori stances are rare. I am well persuaded, ty, that in some cases, which it is not, in Mr. Cobbett, that the tenets of the Roman this place, and upon this occasion, neces Catholic religion inculcale nothing but sary minutely to partieularize, Catholics | loyalty and obcdience to the laws; but I have been forbidden to have any inter- | know also that Catholics are men, and that couse with a priest of their communion, it is not in human nature that they should even in his dying moments, and to corrobo- bé in love with a government, who pub
licly profess such principles of intolerance, course, in war, if we can : we have a right and oppression as give them no hopes of to engage Frenchmen in our cause, and to favour or redress. --I am, Sir, your employ them in descents upon the coast, or obedient servant,
as spies, in the camps, the garrisons, or any A FRIEND TO TOLERATION. part of the territories of the enemy: we Marcb, oib; 1804.
have a right even, by the means of money
or otherwise, to excite insurrections and civil SUMMARY OF POLITICS, .
war in their country, particularly if our
object be to produce, by these means, a re. CONSPIRACY AT PARIS,—The whole of storation of the rightful heir to the throne : the official documents, relating to this trans after, however, having made peace with the action, having been inserted in another part | Consul, and thereby solemnly, though taof the Register, it is not necessary to enter ciily, acknowledged the legitimacy of his here into any other remarks upon it than
authority, the motive of restoration adds, such as naturally arise from the desire, which perhaps, little or nothing to our belligerent every honourable Englishman must fecl, 10 rights, in this respect At any rate, bero see his country and its government stand our rights end. We have no right to coma clearly acquirted of the charge of having, mit, or to abei, any act of violence upon either directly or indirectly, stimulated any the Consul any more than we formerly should persons whatever to commit an act so atro have had to commit, or abet, such an act cious as that of assassination, Pichegru is upon a king of France ; and, therefore, as expressly stated to have been one of the con we are, in the French official paper, and in spirators, and to have been at Paris on the official documents emanating from the go15th of February. Now, here is a positive vernment; as we are ihus, in the face of fact, which may, if false, and which, it is to the world, distinctly charged with this mast be hoped, will, meet with a positive contra- | base and pertidious deed, let us hope, that diction, supported by incontrovertible proof. bis Majesty's ministers possess bobl ibe It is understood, both in England and upon means and ihe inclination to make out our the Continent, that Pichegru has, for some justification ; for, we may be assured, that rime past, received a regular salary from our
| our silence will not be coustrued as oor government; and, though it is by no means contempt of the charge, but, as a proof of impossible, that he might, not withstanding qur guilt. It has been stated in some of that circumstance, go to France without the the London newspapers, that Pichegru was knowledge of the government, yet, seeing seen here on the very day that the French that the characier of the nation is implicated, official documents declare him to have been if it can be proved that he was in England, 1 at Paris. If this be true, the proof is easy ; at the time above-mentioned, such proof and, not a moment ought to be lost in pro. ought to be procured and published, without ducing it. Perhaps some other fact may delay. If this proof cannot be had, it would present itself : the ministers ought best la by no means follow, that our government | know what to do, but every one must allow, hatched and encouraged the conspiracy, but that they ought to do something. every one would deeply regret the want of IRISH EXCHANGE.-On the 2d instant, such means of justification. With regard to | upon the motion of Mr. Foster, a commilice the righ, which a French royalist, who has of the House of Commons, which is now never broken his allegiance, has to dethrone sitting, was appointed to examine into the the Consul, by any means in his power, causes of the high rate of exchange between some doubts may be entertained; but, as the England and Ireland, and of the depreciaright, if it exist at all, must partake more tion of the bank paper of the latter country. of the nature of a duty than of a privilege, During the debate upon this motion, some and can have no other basis than that of the very curious facts transpired. Mr. Pousonby prior obligation of allegiance, it never can said, that it was almost impossible for any be conscientiously exercised by any one, who gentleman in that House to judge of the inhas heretofore broken the bonds of that al, | canvenience and distress, in fact, which were legiance; and, therefore, if this doctrine bel telt in that country in consequence of the sound, the killing of Buonaparté by Pichegru scarcity of specie, without he had been there or Moreau must be regarded as murder. to behold it. From his own knowledge ho As to us, or our government, God forbid, could state, that in many places there was ibat we, to all our other disgrace, should not any thing in circulation but exceedingly add that of having, in anywise, aided in the 1 bad adulterated copper, a base metal for perpetration of such a deed. We have a shillings, or noies for 6d. 1s. or, what was right to kill the French, and the Consul, of reckoned a large amount, as bigh as 3s. Olle
The inconvenience to the lower classes was, who are at present entrusted with the maconsequently much greater ihan to the more | nagement of public affairs in this country. oputent; for a poor man frequently,owing per- | Mr. Fox observed, " that it was not the haps to his pot being so well provided with the | “ guinea that was raised, but the paper that means of preserving his notes, lost or destroyed " was depreciated; not the guinea that was them; the banker was glad of the circum “ worth iwo shillings and four pence more. stance,as he paid only for notes that were pro. 1 " but the paper that was worth so much duced to him. He added, that he himself less. It is a wonder that he regarded any had paid, last week, 25. 4d. premium upon | observation as necessary; but, perhaps, ha the guinea in Dublin. Mr. Corry, lhe Chan thought it would be a shame for a notion to cellor of the Irish Exchequer, şaid, that the go furih to the world, that so gross an ab. a best informed men were of opinion that the surdity should pass current in such a place. * remedy was beyond the power of Parlia. Mr. Dick was of opinion, “ that not 66 ment." I cau hardly flatter myself, that 46 only those discussions that were instituted Mr. Corry meant to pay me a compliment, in the House, but the speculations that but I certainly did give this very opinion in " were circulated throngh every part of the the Register of įhe 18th ultimo, p. 249. By | « country, were extremely disadvantageous, a figure of speech somewhat too bold, per " and had a tendency to augment the evil haps, Parliament iş represented as omnipo-1 “ they were meant to remedy." This opinion tent; but, if it should succeed in raising the was also expressed by Sir John Newport; Irish bank paper to a level with gold, I shall and a particular allusion haviog, by the forhave no hesitation to apply tbe epithet in a | mer gentleman, been made to the pamphlet literal sense. Lord Castlereagh said," he of Lord King, as containing some of ihese " was glad the motion had been made, but I mischieyous speculations, it was observed by “ did not see what good it could produce.” Mr, Fox, that Lord King's pamphlet could The cause of his joy was not stated. The have no other influence than such as was di parity between gold and paper, he said, derived from argument. He said, " the was readily allowed; " but, the difficulty " more such subjects were discussed the
was to preserve the gold in circulation, 6 better; for he had no idea of that security “ where every person was so eager to hoard " and confidence in any set of principles, ." it." If the reader should stare, and look !" that rested only upon siler:ce, and that about, with some degree of impatience, for ļ must fall the monient they became the the object of this grave and important ob- “ subject of discussion." The doctrine of servation, his lordship will compensate him Mr. Dick is, however, by no means new : with an idea, which I will pledge my word the present ministry have stood upon it from to be perfectly original; viz. That it was the first hour of their coming into office. " not that the paper was depreciated, but | The discussion “ will augment the evil it " that the guinea was risen, in value!!!" | " is meant to remedy." That is, it will And, let it be remembered, that this was l hasten the depreciation of bank notes. Ifa stated in the Parliament House, and by a maker and utterer of bank notes were to minister too! by one of those men, to whom make such a remark, it would be natural the safety and honour of thọ nation, to whom enough ; for, the only evil he can perceive, the liberties of the people and existence of is the destruction of his trade. But, from a the monarchy, are all committed! Why, menuber of Parliament one would have exthen, dollars have risen too, for they now pected something else, Suppose discussion pass at five shillings, whereas their sterling does augment the evil : if that be a reason value is only four shillings and sixpence. | why discussion ought not to take place, the Yet the dollar is the same in shape, bulk, and | mioisters are in a state of perfect security, , weight; just the same that it was when it and so they must remain, till the whole fápassed for 6s, 6d. but nine of them will brick of the monarchy comes tumbling about now buy as much English bank-paper as ten their ears. The discussion of the terms of of them used to buy. “ Why," says his lord. a disgraceful treaty, for instance, cannot ship, “ a pound note is still a pound note, 1 produce a remedy; it cannot, aod is not in. " but a dollar is five sbillings, and it used to tended to, annul the treaty, and it certainly “ be only four and sixpence; therefore, the must have a “ tendency to augment the " note is not fallen, but the dollar risen." | evil," by extending the knowledge of the dis. I suppose, he would say this, for it is evi grace. But, will Mr. Dick say, that, for dent, that his position is to be made out by This reason, a disgraceful treaty ought not to bo other mode of reasoning; and this rea be discussed ? It is to be hoped, that, by this soning must give the world a pretty impres- time, he is convinced of the fallacy of his fion enough of the minds of the persons, argument. Besides, as to the people of Ire