that we see, year after year, proofs of their consummate skill and address in negotiation; it is in vain that we ourselves fall in every combat against that skill and address; still we persevere in regarding them, and, indeed, in treating them, as a race of halfcivilized barbarians. This is not the way to win a nation; particularly that nation, which, of all others upon the earth, has the highest opinion of itself. It is to be feared, that Mrs. Merry carried over with her the wrong opinions of her country: the consequence would naturally be contempt, on her part, and indignation and resentment, on the part of those towards whom that contempt was discovered The public will recollect, that I, who knew something of the Americans, augured no good from the appointment of Mr. Merry. I thought him an improper person for such a mission. The Americans have always sent to us one of the first, the very first, men in their country; and, they expect, I know they expect, or, at least, they express their claim to have a first-rate man sent them from this country. This pretension is well-founded; and, if we will obstinately persevere in disregarding it, we must take the consequences. The French, now our superiors in every thing, neglect not to be well represented in America. They do not despise, nor appear to despise, that country or its people. Their minister there has the means of living respectably, which ours never has. We want the money at bome; but, we may be well assured, that one guinea expended in the maintenance of the rank, dignity, and splendour of a minister at a foreign court, is of more service to us, than ten thousand bestowed upon the venal

slaves who fill the columns of the London

newspapers, or upon any other of those objects the use of which is to prolong the duration of ministerial power. America is already a great maritime power. Every day adds and must add to that greatness. Events in the West-Indies are pushing her on to importance. In ten years her mercantile marine will surpass that of Great-Britain. And we have a certain Mr. Merry at her court! And we have a Secretary of State, who chuckles, in open parliament, at the thought of having placed the French upon ber back! When one sees and hears these things, one can hardly believe, that the affairs of the nation are not committed to the hands of tailors and shoemakers. "Mr. Merry is a very good sort of man." With all my heart. I say nothing to the contrary. As good as you please; and, as I before said, give him as much as he can ask in the

shape of money, if he has earned it; but, I say he is not a fit man to represent his Majesty in the United States of America; I say, that the Americans think themselves underrated by us, in consequence of his being sent there; I say he is not the sort of person or character that they like; and I repeat, that cordial friendship never will subsist between the two countries, till a scale and system, totally new, are, on our part, adopted in the office for foreign affairs.

COALITION. That a coalition has been formed between any of the great men of the country, for the purpose of effecting a change in the ministry, must, I think, be regarded as a most auspicious circunstance.

have always thought, and I have frequently said, that no such junction, no such change, would ever take, place, till it was forced upon the nation by the irresistible torrent of events. That torrent has long been gathering; its increasing swell is now visible to almost every eye; and, the danger is, that it may overwhelm us, in the very moment, when, after a too long delay, we are, at last, preparing to resist it by the united talents, wisdom, and courage of those who, if called to our assistance at an earlier period, would have saved us without a struggle. But, apprehensions like this ought not to make us droop in despair. There is yet time. Talent and courage alone are wanted. We have all the means of safety, and of glory, in our hands. If it be true, as the newspapers state, and as I most sincerely hope, that a resolution has been taken by Mr. Fox, Mr. Windham and Lord Grenville, cordially to co-operate together for the great public purpose of composing, or producing, somehow or other, an enlightened and powerful administration, there is not only a hope, but there is ground for a confi. dence, that our deliverance from this state of feebleness and disgrace is very near at hand. If this junction has been formed, it has certainly for its motive nothing selfish. The object will not be place, but power; power brought to the service of the nation, and exercised, either by the persons who compose this coalition, or by those who are able to resist them as an opposition; so that, whichever way the coalition operates, it must produce a change of no inconsiderable importance; it must put the powers of the state into abler hands. On this subject of coalition, it is not improper to advert to a pamphlet, lately published by a MR. WARD, who is said to be a lawyer, and who is certainly upon terms of intimacy with Mr. Pitt; not, perhaps, of direct intercourse of sentiment, but, who, by the means of friends and relations,

comes so near him as to be supposed to know something of his wishes and intentions relative to political and party subjects. This gentleman has written a very dull solicitorlike three shilling pamphlet, with, as it would appear, no other immediate object than that of exculpating Mr. Pitt from the charges of inconsistency and insincerity, incurred by his conduct with regard to Mr. Patten's motion, an object in which the writer has totally failed. But, in the course of his tiresome pages, he has observed, that the opposition against Mr. Addington has hitherto failed "from the want of concert in "the opposing generals; the old jealousies of "some, and the differing views of others." Then, those who have had the patience to follow him to the end, will find him concluding thus: "could wishes decide there "should be an end of party. ALL the op"posing benches in the House of Commons

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present abilities that might yet save the nation. "Can any one refuse to say, that Mr. Fox's "mind is of the very first class? It is dread"ful to think, that the whole of this ability "is excluded from the Cabinet. But men's

eyes must open at last to their real situa "tion."I shall not stop here to ask Mr. Ward how he can reconcile his deplorable picture of the present Cabinet with Mr. Pitt's eulogium upon the persons who compose it; but shall proceed to remark, that these his expressions, which I have quoted, have given rise to another pamphlet, in the form of a letter to him "recommendatory of a coalition." The author of this letter has much more talent as well as some liberal political notions and views than Mr. Ward appears to have; but, as to his opinion of the practicability of a coalition, and afterwards a ministry, of which Mr. Pitt should be the head, I am now afraid it is errone ous. Mr. Pitt, since the present session of Parliament, has, as far as I can perceive, discovered no disposition towards such an union. It would be presumption to pretend to know what he will do; but, it is not presumption in me to say, that I think he adheres to his former pretensions, of having all the government, or none of it; that, conscious of his own great powers of persuasion, and of the weight of his influence with the monied and commercial men of the country, he will stand upon his own foundation, and, gathering round him his obedient, though now scattered satellites, will again bid defiance to the aristocracy, the church, and tillers of the land. That the next stage of his ministerial career will be of short duratim I am confident; because, the foundation will slide from

beneath him; but, of this he is not, per haps, at all apprehensive; and, therefore, there is no reason to suppose, that he will share the real powers of government with any other persons, be they whom they may. I give this opinion with regret. I have been anxious to discover grounds for hoping, that Mr. Pits would heartily cooperate in the forming of a ministry that should embrace all the best talents of the country collected from all parties; but, as my observation has led to a different result, it is my duty to say so to my readers.While, however, I express my regret at what I think will be the course of party politics pursued by Mr. Pitt, I cannot disguise, that I should see with regret infinitely greater, any union between him and the other great men of the day, unless his system of policy, foreign and domestic, were first completely and explicitly abandoned. That system, which is neither more nor less than that of governing by the selfish and base feelings, has sunk us to our present laments able state, from which we never can be raised to our former greatness, without the adoption of general principles, precisely the contrary of those, upon which the affairs of our country have been conducted for.twenty years past. We must again be great, or we must be nothing; and, greatness is not to be re-acquired by implicitly yielding to the councils of merchants, manufacturers, and bankers. The generous spirit of the people must once more be appealed to: men must be called upon to fight, not for their property, not for "the stake which they "have in the public stock;" but for the hnour and glory of their country; for the preservation of the name and fans bequeathed them by their fathers, and which it is their duty to hand down untarnished to their children. It this motive be insuficient, all others will be unavailing: our enemy is triumphant, and we are enslaved.

THE KING. When, in the preceding sheet, I was stating a case, in which, from the impossibility of making an immediate change in the ministry, it might be proper for the persons composing an Opposition to aid the ministers with their advice, I little imagined that such a case would so soon have existed, and still less did I apprehend, that it would arise from so melancholy, so heart-rending a cause, as that which now presents itself in the dangerous and dreadful malady, with which our beloved. Sovereign is afflicted. In this state of things, it is the duty of every man to contribute, by all the means at his command, towards the support of those, in whose hands the powers of the

state are lodged; because, out of those hands, feeble as they are, these powers cannot instantly be taken-But, while every one will readily assent to the truth and pro-priety of this remark, it is to be hoped, that the ministers will not attempt, for the sake of prolonging their power, to suspend the legislative and other operations, for, in the depth of our affliction, we must not forget, that we have a throne and a country to preserve. On this subject, I am aware of the danger of misrepresentation; I am aware, that it is utterly impossible for me to utter any sentiment, however just and however cautiously conveyed, without exposing myself to the calumnious interpretations of the hirelings of the press; but, neither this, nor any other consideration shali deter me from doing what I regarded to be my dury. I was born under the benignant reign of His Majesty. 1 regard him as the protector of my infancy, and in my youth and manhood, from the age of sixteen to the present day, I have constantly, faithfully, zealously, and disinterestedly, served, honoured, and obeyed him; and, though, if it should please God now to deprive us of his inestimable life, fifteen millions of people will be plunged into the deepest of sorrow, I will not believe, that one of that number will mourn more sincerely than myself. But, if this event should take place, I cannot think that we are justified in harbouring sentiments, or in holding the language of despondency, while there is at hand the HEIR of his rights and his virtues, whose birth gives him an undisputed claim to our allegiance, whose amiable disposi tion insures our affection, whose talents command our respect, and whose courage, while it inspires us with confidence, affords us a glorious example. Under such circumstances, let us not droop down like men without hope; but let us, on the contrary, call into motion, all our best faculties, and, above all things, let us neglect nothing that is likely to contribute to the safety of our country and the preservation of the honour and dignity of the throne.--Precisely what means may be necessary to be adopted, in case of an unhappy prolongation of of His Majesty's malady, it is not for a private individual to suggest; but, I cannot refrain from expressing a hope, that, if His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales should be called on to exercise the Royal authority, no attempt will be made to cramp him in that exercise, to circumscribe,

and of course to enfeeble his power; and. thereby, to diminish, if not to cut off, the means of saving us from the danger with which we are menaced.

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"1801.

ANTOINE LUTZ.

"General Stuart has signified to the Offi"cers of the Foreign Brigade, which serv"ed in Egypt, his Majesty's permission to wear the medals transmitted to them by "the Grand Seignior, for their distinguish"ed gallantry, at the battle of Alexandria, "on the 21st of March, 1801. His Majesty has also been graciously pleased to allow ANTOINE LUTZ, late of the "Minorca Queen's German Regiment, at present a Serjeant in the King's German Regiment, a pension of £20 a year during life, for his courage displayed in the "capture of the Invincible Standard from "the French, upon the 21st of March, The brevet was, on Wednesday "last, sent off, by Messrs. Cox and Green. "wood, to the head quarters of the King's "German Regiment."This paragraph I have copied from one of those London news-papers, by which, as the public will recollect, I was loaded with every species of calumny and abuse for having asserted the claim of LUTZ. Truth generally prevails in the end; but, in the interim, evil impressions are, sometimes, produced, and great injury is done to those by whom the cause of truth is espoused; and, therefore, if the result of this much-agitated, and warmly-contested question should not operate as a caution with those, who are in the habit of abusing me, I may hope that it will so operate with the public, and that those calumniators will not, on any future occasion, easily obtain belief.

THE POLITICAL PROTEUS : A VIEW OF THE PUBLIC CHARACTER AND CONDUCT OF R. B. SHERIDAN, Esa., in One Volume Octavo, is ready for delivery, and may be had of J. Budd, Pall Mall; R. Bagshaw, Bow Street; and of every Bookseller in the United Kingdom.

No. X. of COBBETT'S PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES, containing the Debate on the Volunteer Consolidation Bill; Irish Bank Restriction Bill, &c. &c., is also ready for delivery. Complete sets of the work, from its commencement, may be had of the publishers.

*

nor to the destructive ravages of an open, tumultuous ocean, during gales of wind.To all these perils and calamities, and to many more which I shall now proceed to consider, the channel fleet, employed in the blockade of Brest harbour, is continually exposed.-To enumerate the hazards, the casualties, the destruction of masts, sails, rigging, with every other valuable article of naval stores, and the enormous expenses with which repair of these losses, and the maintaining two blockading fleets of decidedly superior force to that of the impotent enemy it confines, are necessarily attended, would be needless waste of time.-A reference to the daily newspapers, and a recollection of the present tempestuous and dreadfully destructive winter, too evidently evince these melancholy facts.—But though our blockading channel fleets have suffered mutilation, they have escaped destruction. Happily for this nation, they have as yet escaped that quick dissolution, to which the improvident absurdity of their destination has hitherto, and does still, continually expose them. On this occasion, too much praise cannot be bestowed on the gallant commanders, officers, and seamen, employed on this ruinous and disheartening service; nor can we sufficiently express our gratitude to the Almighty, for preserving the glory and defence of our empire, the terror and envy of surrounding ations, the unconquered British navy, from the continual dangers to which it is unprovidently and pusillanimously exposed, by the disgraceful system of blocking up a contemptible and interior force in an enemy's harbour. There they may practice in safety, and at their leisure, every manoeuvre and improvement in naval tactics, which it is pretended our wise system of blockade is so well calculated to prevent.-But of what avail is it to the British nation, that our triumphant navy has escaped the overwhelming ruin in which a gale of wind on an enemy's coast might in a few hours involve it, if a destruction less swift, but possibly far more sure, mast be the result of this impolitic system, this constant source of gratulation and ridicule to our subtle, inveterate enemy!-The wasting and rapid decline of our navy, so justly lament

* “ Iwo fiects," —one off Brest, one in port ready to occupy is station, in case it should be dispersed or disabled-in wie Morning Chronicle of this day, the feet off Brest is stated to be 25 sail of the line! While this superfluity of force is thus hazardously employed in blockading an armarent which half of it would probably defeat, and certainly confine, the force in the Downs appears to be much too weak.

ed, and so accurately described by your well-informed correspondent Z. in your last week's Register, is (as he has remarked) accelerated, in a most alarming degree, by the blockade of Brest, which, without affording, the most trivial public benefit, is prolific in national evils. It is thus we are made by a crafty, insidious foe, the suicides of our late transcendent power, our unexampled opulence, our envied glory! By the bug. bear of invasion, arrayed in the ostentatious parade of preparation, they keep us in continual alarm; call forth our most powerful energies; exhaust our astonishing, but by no means boundless resources, making our strength itself the cause of our destruction, and finally reducing us to the humiliating state of the wretched maniac, who, goaded to unnatural efforts, falls an impotent, nerveless victim to his pusillanimous, crafty, assailants. Having considered the arguments urged in favor of the blockade of Brest, the answers to them, and the various and incalculable evils which a perseverance in this favorite measure of administration must in evitably produce, it remains to shew, why a system, which has always been successfully adopted, and universally approved in the late and former wars, should now be deemed impolitic and censurable. In the prosecu tion of this design, I shall endeavour to demonstrate that, circumstanced as we now are, and have been during the whole continuance of the present blockade of Brest, (provided it be really true that our channel fleet is superior, or even nearly equal to that of the enemy) his puiting to sea, so far from being a tremendous event, would probably be the most favourable circumstance we could possibly wish for.-But having, I fear, already trespassed too much on your limits, if not on your patience, I must defer my farther communications on this subject to a future letter; and remain, Sir, your constant reader and humble servant, Feb. 21st, 1804.

BRITANNICUS.

SUPPLEMENT to the Correspondence between Lord Fingali and Lord Redesdale, to which is added the justificatory Narrative of Mr. O'NIEL.

A Letter from the Roman Catholic Bishop of Cloyne and Ross, to the Right Honourable Lord Redesdale, Lord High Chancellor of Ireland.

Middleton, January 26, 1804. MY LORD,If the heavy weight of iny sinuation whereby I am aspersed in your lordship's recent correspondence with the Earl of Fingall, were not as unfounded in