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applied by those, to every Protestant. If those who are considered as holding a higher rank in the priesthood used their influence to correct this impression on the minds of the lower orders, we might hope, that by degrees they might be taught to consider all who believe in Christ as their Redeemer, though not adhering to the Sce of Rome, as their brethren in Christ; but unfortunately that is not the case. Dr. Troy in his pastoral instruction on the duties of Christian citizens, published in 1793, holds up high, the exclusive doctrine; which those who think humility a Christian virtue, in ali respects most becoming so weak and fallible a creature as man, cannot but consider as favouring of presumption. Dr. Hussey, in his pastoral letter, published in 1797, expresses himself in a stronger language; and, indeed, it is difficult for a loyal subject to read that publication, without feeling, that, especially at the time of its appearance it could not tend to produce loyalty, or even submission to the government of the country, in the minds of those to whom it was addressed. Whilst such impressions, so excited, are rankling in the minds of men, very little regard can be paid to addresses of the nature to which your Lordship refers me. They are given to the winds, as long as the priests of the See of Rome shall think fit to hold up to their flocks, that all who do not yield obedience to that See, are guilty of rebellion against it; are not to be considered as members of the church of Christ; and therefore are not (in the eyes of the vulgar at least) to be considered as Christians. I am fully persuaded, that those who listen to their doctrines, will never bear Christian charity towards those who are so represented; and will never be loyal and dutiful subjects of a king, thus held out to them s himself a rebel.-In fine, my Lord, those who clamour for liberty of conscience, (which in truth they have), must be taught to allow liberty of conscience to others; and those who desire complete participation, must treat those with whom they desire to participate as brothers. Until, therefore, the priests of the Romish persuasion shall think it their duty to preach, honestly and conscientiously, the great doctrine of universal charity in Christ; until they shall, in all their instructions to those under their care, represent, honestly and conscientiously, all who sincerely believe in Christ, the Redeemer of mankind, to be brethren in Christ, however mistaken they may suppose any of them to be in certain points of faith; until they shall teach their flocks that desiring liberty to think for themselves, they ought also to permit others to think for them. selves, and not to murder them, because they ditfer in religious opinions; peace never can be established in the land; and the loyal addresses of Dr. Troy and Dr. Coppinger will, as I have before said, be given to the winds. They can have no efect; they may indeed reach the eyes or the cars, but never will enter the hearts, of those to whom they are addressed. There are parts of your letter to which I will not advert, because I cannot without pain, or without giving pain.I have the honour to be, &c. &c.. REDESDALE,

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mentioning to your Lordship on the earliest occasion. I merely stated to your Lordship what my own feelings were, and what I have always found to be the opinion of the Catholics. I do not apprehend, that in expressing any further wish of the Catholic body, which it is impossible should not be entertained, I hinted at any discontents; on the contrary, I did assure, and do now assure your Lordship, we are now ready to make every sacrifice, encounter every danger, for the defence of the King and Constitution, and for the preservation of the peace. Those who are most affected by any remaining restrictions, it is well known have never excited clamour or tumult; but have always been foremost in opposing them. I cannot attempt to vindicate all those who have at different times addressed the Catholics; but the late exhortations, I must beg leave to say, are intended and calculated to inspire sentiments of Loyalty, obedience, and Christiau charity: and they will, 1 trust, have that effect. Such have been the instructions I have constantly heard given by the Catholic clergy to their flocks.-Nothing to excite ill-wil or dislike to any person on account of his religious belief, but the most perfect brotherly love and affection to all. Your Lordship will, I hope, allow me to repeat my regret that any thing I have written should have given you pain, or me reason to teel it, which I should in a very high degree indeed, if I was conscious of having intentionally advanced any thing that would appear improper or unreasonable to your Lordship.I have the honour to be, &c.

FINGALL.

Dublin, 28th Aug. 1803.

MY LORD,- The high respect and esteem I bear for your lordship, whose loyalty and humanity have been at all times conspicuous, and the manner in which your lordship, in the letter with which I was honoured yesterday, has expressed your regret, that any part of your former letter should have given me pain, compels me again to trouble your lordship with a few words. The pain I felt arose from an apprehension that I could not hope for such a change in the sentiments of those of the people of Ireland, who adhere to the See of Rome, towards those who refuse obedience to it, as might lead to their living together in peace. In some pars of Europe, misfortune appears to have produced so much of humility, that the persons, who have occupied the choice of that See, have been inclined to bend towards countries in which some of its most important pretensions have been rejected; and in this state of humiliation, it might have been hoped that a sense of the weakness and imperfections of man might have been so far felt, as to lead the adherents to that See, in Ireland, no longer to teach their followers a doctrine so repugnant (as it ap pears to me) to the repose of mankind, as that to which I had alluded in my letter. I conclude from your lordship's letter to me, that there is no person amongst the adherents of the See of Rome, in Ireland, whose mind, however cultivated, however liberal in other respects, can be thought to consider any persons as christians, who refuse obedience to that See. I conclude also, that the priests of that persuasion still teach their flocks, that all who refuse obedience, are guilty of a wicked rebellion against divine authority, which must produce their eternal damnation in the next world, and render them objects of horror and dislike in this. As long as this doctrine (which, with all humility I say it, appears to me to be repugnant to every idea of christian charity taught by the scriptures) shall be preached to their congre

gations; and until those congregations shall be taught that Protestants of every description, although in their opinion in error on certain points,

are to be considered as members of the Church of Christ, and their brethren in the faith of Christ, it seems to me, that there can be no hope that exhortat ons to loyalty and obedience to a protestant government will have any effect. Men of education and property may feel loyalty and obedience to such a government to be proper, or at least expedient; but preaching to men of the lower orders, and especially to those without property, loyalty and obe. dience, under such circumstances, cannot be sincere, without supposing their minds of a refinement of which the are utterly incapable; and seems there. fore to me to be either mockery or folly. Perhaps I am 100 presumptuous in forming this opinion, but it seems to me confirmed by recent events, and I cannot otherwise account for the fact so generally asserted by the priests of the Romish persuasion, that during the late rebellion, their exhortations to loyalty and obedience had no effect. I find it also confirmed by the circumstances, that those priests were, I presume, utterly ignorant that those under their instructions had ever conceived in their minds the horrid purposes which they manifested on the 23d of July, and which persons came from all parts of Irgland with design to effect.—I have the honour to be, &c.

REDESDALE. Sept. 4, 1803.

MY LORD,I must beg your lordship will be kind enough to excuse my not having sooner acknowledged the receipt of the last letter you did me the honour to address me, which has been occasioned by my absence from town for some days past. Honoured as I must feel by your lordship's correspondence, and the expressions of personal regard towards me çontained in your letters, I am the more anxious to impress your lordship with that favourable opinion of the persons in this country who profess the same religious faith I do myself, which it has been my endeavour to prove to your lordship they are deserving of. Nothing but my wish to procure for them an object so desirable, and my high respect for your lordship, would have induced me to touch at all ou a discussion of religious subjects: and not having been, I fear, fortunate enough yet to satisfy your lordship's mind, as to the objections you make our religion, I should be glad, with your lordship's permission, to state them to some of our superior clergy, who would, I am pretty certain, enable me to convince your lordship, that our religious doctrine preaches charity and brotherly love to all mankind, without distinction of religion; true and sincere allegiance to our good king; inviolable attachment to the constitution and our country; from an honest and conscientious conviction that such is the duty of a good subject, and a good catholic, be the religion of the Monarch what it may. For my own part, my lord, I cannot attribute the unfortunate situation of this country to any thing connected with matters of religious faith; jacobinism and French principles and politics, the want of morality, and the depraved state of the human mind, are, I conceive, the sources of our misfortunes; religion may have been made a tool by wicked and designing people: this has often happened in every country, and is easily effected when religious differences exist. The distracted and melancholy state we are in,

every body must lament; how it is to be mended is a matter for the statesman; and surely it would be difficult to find an object more worthy of your lordship's high talents and abilities.I have the honour to be, &c. FINGALL.

Sept. 6, 1803.

MY LORD,I find myself as little qualified as your lordship represents yourself to be, to discuss with the persons to whom you refer me the points you mention. I can only say, that the impression made on the minds of those of the lower orders, certainly does not correspond with the doctrines which your lordship represents to be the doctrines of the religion you profess. I have no doubt that your lordship heartily and conscientiously embraces and acts upon those doctrines; the whole tenor of your life shews that you have done co; but the whole tenor of the conduct of the lower orders of the people of the Romish persuasion shews, that such doctrines are not effectually taught to them; and if I am to judge from the writings, as well as the conduct of some of the higher orders of the laity, as well as of the clergy, 1 cannot believe that they are thoroughly impresse ed with the feelings which appear to guide your lordship's liberal and beneficent mind.-On the contrary, in many instances it appears to me, that the conduct of some high amongst the priesthood, is calculated to excite in the minds of those under their care, hatred to their protestant fellow-subjects, and disloyalty to their government, I am assured, from very high and very resp. ctable authority, that (at least in one district) the priests who were instrumental in saving the lives of the loyalists in the late rebellion, are universally dis countenanced by their superiors; and that a priest proved to have been guilty of sanctioning the murderers in 1798, transported to Botany Bay, and since pardoned by the mercy of government, has been brought back in triumph by the same supe rior, to what in defiance of the law he calls his parish, and there placed as a martyr, in a manner the most insulting to the teelings of the protestants; to the justice of the country; and to that government, to whose lenity he owes his redemption from the punishment due to his crimes.—It is strongly reported, that the successor to Dr. Hussey (whose disaffection was so manifest, that perhaps government consulted its disposition to lenity much more than its duty, when it permitted him to return to Ireland) is to be a man also notoriously disaffected. If the appointment is to be made in the usual manner at the recommendation of the higher order of your clergy, I cannot think that much of loyalty is to be expected from those who recommended such a man. If the authority of the See of Rome supersedes the ordinary recommendation, it must be recollected that that authority is now in the hands of France; indeed it cannot be forgotten that your whole priesthood acknowledge obedience to one who is the vassal of France, who exits as a temporal prince at least only by the permission of France, the avowed enemy of the government under which we live; under such circumftances, it cannot be believed, that any honest and conscientious means have been or will be taken by the priests of the Romish persuasion to make the lower orders of the people, composing their congregations, loyal subjects of the Proteftant government of this country,1 have the honour to be, &c. &c. REDESDALE.

Printed by Cox and Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Bow Street, Covent Garden, where former Numbers may be had; sold also by J. Budd, Crown and Mitre, Pall-Mall.

VOL. V. No. 7.]

London, Saturday, 18th February, 1804.

[ Price 10D "1 may be blamed at such an awful crisis for speaking so plainly; but plain dealing is now the only "method to recover public credit.-Paper is only a good thing while we have means of converting "it into cash. We shall not long be able, after the inundation of paper to which this system gives "birth, to stop Ministers from making Bank Notes a legal tender, and then adieu to the appearance "of specie at the Bank, and soon afterwards to the real value of the Bank Note.... It may "be said, that, in the present state of the country, it is wrong to lay before the Public so dark a I say, Sir, nothing is wrong that is true; no evil is so great as concealment. I must oppose "this system of delusion that has so long been practised upon the country. Mr. Sheridan's Speech, March 1, 1797. See POLITICAL PROTEUS, p. 325 and 328. 225]

"statement.

ON VOLUNTEERS.

Extracted from Observations on the present State of Ireland, by Lord Sheffield; publisted January, 1785.

Page 360. It is now necessary to go back to the year 1778, to take notice of a phenomenon which began to appear about that time. The like never has been observed in any country, at least where there was an established government. To describe it strictly, it may be called an army unauthorised by the laws, and uncontrouled by the government of the country, but it was generally known by the name of "Volunteers of Ireland." Their constitution bore some semblance of a connexion with the executive power; and arms, belonging to the state, and stored under the care of the lieutenants of counties, were delivered to them upon the alarm of foreign invasion. So far, therefore, they seemed to be countenanced by government; but in a short time they caused no little jealousy and uneasiness. The arms issued from the public stores were insufficient to supply the rapid increase of the Volunteers. The rest, together with the necessary accoutrements, and a considerable number of field pieces, were procured by themselves. It answered the purpose of opposition in both countries to speak highly of them, and the supporters of government in both countries mentioned them with civility, &c. &c. &c.

Page 362. Under these circumstances the Volunteers, preserving, for a time, a degree. of reserve and decency, kept at a certain distance, but were never entirely out of sight. They had been serviceable in sup porting the civil magistrate; fewer castles, houses, or lands, were kept by forcible possession; and sheriffs were enabled to do their duty, &c. &c. &c.

But the many-headed monster soon began to think it would be proper to reform the state, and to purge the Parliament of Ireland. The several corps sent delegates,

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who sometimes appeared to be the delegates of counties. They formed a Parlisment of their own; they resolved what they pleased, and, of course, that the other Parliament was a bad one. So far every thing went on as might be expected, &c. &c. &c.

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Page 370 The good order which at first prevailed in these corps, is not less extraor dinary than their rise and progress; but it is to be imputed to the good disposition of the generality of the members, not to the nature of their constitution. It seems miraculous that no mischief bas yet bappened. The mildness 'of government, and the good temper of the army, have done their part. None more likely, however, to be misled, than men cóllected as they have been, conceiving a high opinion of their consequence and strength. They are liable to be perverted, and turned to the worst purposes; and in almost every instance of the kind it has proved so. meaning men, who may at one time be at their bead, may, at other times, find themselves without authority, and at length be obliged to give way to those whose business is to inflame and pervert. The young and active, and those who are not in the habit of thinking, will be led from one deviation to another, till at last they are advanced too far to go back; and some, otherwise respectable mén, who have something to lose and little to gain, will repent of their attempts, to assist themselves at elections by volunteering, or through the medium of an affected good will towards reform. All that is hinted at may not happen; yet most assuredly, some of the politicians of Ireland are playing with most dangerous two-edged weapons. Such measures do not become them: such are the ladders on which the otherwise insignificant and vicious members of society, or men of desperate situations, mount, and with contempt look down on the miserable tools, through whose folly they were ena bled to ascend, &c. &c. &c.

Pape 374. However unpleasant, these are

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matters bigbly proper, as well as necessary, to be stated; and he who endeavours to unfold the fatal consequences of measures, the outside of which may appear fair, is the real friend to a country,

TO THE EDITOR.

ŞIR, So many instances of the misconduct of the volunteers, have been recorded of late in your Register, that I did not think it necessary, to add to the disgraceful list, by giving you an account of the proceedings of the Ewell corps. I vainly hoped it would have passed off, without attracting the public notice; but, there having appeared in your Register of the 4th inst, a letter signed C. S., I must take the liberty, in justice to my neighbours, to point out to you some inaccuracy in that statement. However highly reprehensible the conduct of the men has on some occasion been, yet, it is not just that a larger portion of obloquy should be thrown on them than they really deserve. In doing this, I must not be considered as defending the system; it is a system, which I deprecate as strongly as you can do; it is a s stem, which I am persuaded, if not speedily and radically amended, will be productive of evils to this country, more tremendous than I dare to think of. The tenour of the letter I allude to, undoubtedly tends to convey to those unacquainted with the corps, an idea, that it is an extremely disaffected one; nothing less can be inferred from it. It is to obviate that impression alone, that mustapologize for my intruding on you. The letter asserts, that the oath of allegiance was generally, if not wholly, refused, when it was tendered to them. This I positively and most unequivocally deny. The oath was taken by every individual in the corps. It was the repetition of that oath, containing the additional words "heirs and "successors" which was objected to. Having taken one oath, they considered a second unnecessary, and thought it a reflection on their honour, that their loyalty to the King's heirs should be doubted; and, most absurdly supposed, that it was a deception; and, that it was intended to trick them into a something, they knew not what. All arguments to convince them to the contrary were then useless. At the same time they refused to sign the regulations, which were then offered them, under the same idea. These regulations were merely intended to promote the discipline of the corps, without binding them to any thing more. On this some degree of commotion

ensued, which was quieted by postponing the consideration of the matter to a future day. On the day appointed to pay them the twenty shillings allowed them by go. vernment for drill days, the regulations were again offered for signing. Thirty-eight put their hands, the rest persisted in refusing it, and eighteen, mark, only eighteen, threw up their clothes, with much insolence; not into the house of the person alluded to, but at the Bull Head Inn, where the committee was then sitting. Some of the seceders, I cannot say how many, for I myself saw only two, stuck a bit of blue ribband in their hats, but I was not a witness of any parading, or other marks of triumph.-All this was certainly extremely improper, and highly reprehensible, but it must not be placed to the account of disaffection; it originated in another cause, and which is no. torious to every inhabitant of Ewell. An unfortunate prejudice prevailed against the gentleman who was proposed for their captain. He had been a captain in the service of the East India Company, and it was supposed by the men, that the rigour necessary to regulare a ship's company, would influence his conduct in the command of the corps. He was, however, appointed, notwithstanding strong symptoms of aversion were manifested at the nomination, a circumstance which has been productive of much ill-humour among the men, and much insolence to himself, and which nothing but the utmost forbearance, and a strong sense of the duty he owed his country at this tremendous crisis, could ever have induced him to submit to. This prejudice has never abated; for, you Sir, who are so good a judge of human nature, must be sensible, how extremely difficu't, nay, I may say, how impossible it is to eradicate a prejudice from an uninformed mind. This prejudice, whether well or ill-founded, appears to have been the cause of the irregularities the corps have been guilty of. I must here complain of C. S.'s want of candour in his letter. He has stated, that on the regulations being proposed to them," they threw up" What des this mean, but the whole corps? Can the most ingenious sophistry apply any other meaning to the expression? I again rep at that eighteen only of 20 ❝ threw

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up." Either C. S. is ignorant of the real circumstances of the case or he is not. If the latter, what is the inference? I leave my readers to judge. Since the date of C. S.'s letter, many of the men have repented of their conduct, and have signed the regulations, and there are strong reasons for supposing that the greatest part

will follow their example, and I trust that if the necessity should unfortunately arise, they will not be found any ways inferior to their fellow countrymen in loyalty and courage. I hope, Sir, that this plain statement of facts, will remove the imputation of disaffection, which C. S. apparently, has endeavoured to throw on them; on no other ground do I endeavour to defend them; and, as to the eighteen seceders, who have so basely deserted their country in the hour of danger, I hold them up to the detestation of their country, and leave them to the contempt and to the indignation which their infamous conduct so richly deserves. - I am, Sir, yours, &c. OBSERVER. Ewell, Feb. 7th 1804.

CORPS DIPLOMATIQUE.

SIR, Of all the absurdities and errors which have characterised the conduct of the present administration, the neglect they have manifested in not correcting a fault of their predecessors in office, is not the least remarkable. I mean, Sir, the appointment of inefficient persons to fill the post of ministers at foreign courts, as well as adopting some mode whereby the shameless falsehoods propagated all over the Continent in disparagement of this country should be effectually met and refuted. Regarding the first, may it not fairly be asked, has any circumstance occurred in the politics of Europe within these late years, to render the employment of talent and genius less necessary now on our part in the diplomatic department, than in the days of Lord Chatham and Lord Chesterfield? Yet it is in every one's memory, how much importance the latter of these statesmen annexes to the education, manners, and studies of those who are destined to fill the station of ministers at foreign courts; his sentiments are fully detailed in his letters to his son, and are well worthy the perusal of the present Secretary of State for the Foreign Department. But in lieu of any attention whatever heing paid to this selection, it should appear, that the above gentleman considered the office as merely a sinecure for the provisioning some favourite clerk. At a moment when intrigue and cabal is the order of the day in every foreign cabinet, when every art and falsehood is devised which wickedness can imagine, to sap and shake the foundation of Great Britain, by destroying all confidence in her integrity and faith, we send over young gentlemen, who, at capping verses, would, perhaps, be equal to any of their opponents, to eradicate the mischief already

effected against us, and by the discernment, political acquirements and elegance of manners which they possess, to effectually coun teract all the machiavelian, workings of a Segur, a Sieyes, or any veteran of Gallic diploinacy.To a court of all others the most our interest to gain a control over, we continue in office a most worthy admiral, but one who has not the smallest pretensions to the character of a courtier; to another court, where intrigue and delicate conduct are particularly requisite, we send a gentleman, who will, no doubt, give the world a very good account on his return of Greek antiquities, but who is about as much a match for Gen. Brune in the Divan, as that gentleman is to him in a translation of Persius. But it is unnecessary to particu larize further, and I will say a few words on the other subject 1 complain of, namely, the total disregard to the opinions of the whole Continent with respect to this country in general, but more particularly her plunging Europe again into a disastrous warfare. Sir; Lord Hawkesbury has been told, to my knowledge, and from excellent authority, that from one end of Germany to the other, the press teems with atrocious calumnies against England, which from never being contradicted, gain implicit belief in proportion as we are belied; the conduct and views of the French are exalted up to the skies, all the evils flowing from the war are imputed to us, while the perfidious measures of France are represented as merely necessary precautions on her part, to check the overgrown power we have assumed in continental affairs; this is a fact notorious, and thus, by the means of the foreign press, we are at this moment objects of universal hatred, and I fear, contempt. Has any measure been taken to administer a counter poison? None! Is it not apparent that a few thousand pounds, judiciously expended, would create us some partisans, at least, and that gross mis-statements, should be publicly refuted, and the public mind insensibly led to think less meanly of this country, and less favourably of our insidious foe? Yet, so paltry, so wretchedly economical is Mr. Addington's system, that the same causes that induced him and his colleagues to order all the gun-cases and barrack furniture to be sold after the treaty of Amiens, still operate to prevent a recourse to the measure I propose, though these ninny-hammers might, I should have thought, have known the efficacy of it from the benefit they derive from newspaper and booksellers' good-will, owing, as they do, entirely the preservation of their present stations to it. A. W.

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