ships of war, and other armed vessels, were completely masters of the navigation of the River SuFinam above Fort Amsterdam. The detences of the river, after passing Bram's 'Point are Fort Amsterdam, situated on the confluence of the Rivers Surinam and Commewynne: upwards of 80 pieces of ordnance are mounted in this fortress. Fort Leyden is armed with twelve heavy guns, and situated on the right bank of the Surinam, where it meets the Commewyne-is opposite to, and commanded by Fort msterdam, at the distance of about two thousand yards. The battery Friderici is about 200 yards lower down, and armed with 12 heavy guns. On the left bank of the river, nearly opposite to Fort Amsterdam, is Fort Purmurent, having ten guns mounted, its rear and flanks protected by impracticable marsh and woods. The fire of all these works and batteries intersect in the channel for ships going up the river. The town of Paramaribo is detended towards the water by a battery of about ten guns, mounted in Fort Zelan. dia, a place otherwise of no defence. The 28th, the ships of war and other vessels proceeded up the river as fast as the tides would admit of. A plan was formed for making an attempt on Fort Purmurent; a detachment of the 64th regiment, under Captain Burton, accompanied by Captain Drummond, my Aide-de-Camp, with a body of armed seamen, commanded by Capt. Jervis, embarked at eight o'clock at night for that purpose, but on approachung the fort they found the tide was unfavourable for the undertaking, and returned. On the 29th, Lt. Col. Shipley, commanding engineer, went on shore at the plantation before stated, below the enemy's batteries, to endeavour to procure intelligence; and on returning reported that he had every reason to believe that there was a practicable way through the woods, by which a body of men might be conducted to the rear of the Forts Leyden and Friderici. Lt. Col. Shipley was indefatigable in a certaining the accuracy of this information, in which he was ably assisted by Lient. Ar old, of the royal engineers, and Mr. Hobbs, acting engineer, and the result was such, that a detachment of 140 men, of the 64th reg., under the command of the Hon. Lt. Col. Cranstoun, with Maj. Stirke, of the 6th W. I. reg., ten men of the 6th W. I reg., with side arms, having felling axes, twenty of the artificers' corps, provided in the same manner, and about thirty armed seamen, commanded by Capt. Maxwell, Ferris, and Richardson, of the royal navy, the whole under the command of B. Gen. Hughes, accompanied by Lt. Col. Shipley, Lt. Arnold, of the royal engineers, and Mr. Hobbs, acting engineer, whose local knowledge proved extremely useful on this occasion, landed between the hours of ten and eleven at night, at Resolution Plantation, and proceeded through the woods with negro guides. A great quantity of rain having recently fallen, it was found that the path, at all times difficult, had become almost impassable, but no obstacle could damp the enterprising spirit of our seamen and soldiers, who, with persevering courage, after a laborious march of five hours, arrived near the rear of Friderici Battery. The alarm having been given, a considerable fire of grape shot was made upon the troops before they quitted the wood, whilst forming for the attack, and of musketry as they approached the battery. The assault of our intrepid seamen and troops with fixed bayonets was so animated and vigorous as to prevent any further resistance. The enemy fled to Fort Leyden, having set fire to the powder magazine, by the ex

plosion of which a few British officers and men were severely wounded.-B. Gen. Hughes used no delay in moving on to the attack of Fort Leyden, but being under the necessity of marching by a narrow road, which was enfiladed by four or five guns, received a considerable fire of grape shot on his march, and of musketry on his nearer approach, which, however, was soon put a stop to by a repetition of the same impetuous attack on our part, and the enemy, after some firing, called for quarter, which was generously granted by the conquerors, although in the moment they were highly exasperated at the conduct of the Batavian troops in blowing up the powder magazine at Fort Friderici, after it had been in our possession. A capt. with some other officers and 120 men were taken at this post, about 30 having made their escape across the River Commewyne to Fort New Amsterdam. By this brilliant affair a position was secured, by which a heavy fire could be brought on Fort New Amsterdam, a communication with the River Commewyne opened, the means of forming a junction with B. G. Maitirna's corps established, and the command of the finest part of the colony, abounding with resources of all kinds, obtained. B. G. Hughes's exertions upon this occasion were highly meritorious, and by his animating example contributed much to the success of the day. On the 30th in the morning, the Commodore and myself went on shore at the captured forts, and directions were given for covering the troops and guns from the fire of Fort New Amsterdam, to which they were greatly exposed, and for pointing the fire of the forts towards the enemy. The troops underwent great fatigue in executing these works, which, however, they chearfully submitted to, under the direction of Lt. Col. Shipley, who, as usual, was unceasing in his exertions. B. G. Hughes remained in the command there, giving every necessary support and countenance. The enemy fired from time to time from Fort New Amsterdam, by which three men at Fort Leyden were wounded, but some shells being thrown in return from two mortars, which we had got on shore at Fort Leyden, the firing on the part of the enemy ceased. On the same day 1 received a report from B. G. Maitland, that a landing had been effected at the Warappa, Creek by the first division of his corps, uuder the command of Major Hardyman, of the 1st battalion of the royals, who took possession of the enemy's post, where there were two guns, after a short resistance; and the B. General further stated, that he was proceeding to land with the whole of his corps. Under these circumstances, no time was lost in disembarking at Fort Leyden the rest of the troops, and pushing them on by the North Bank of the Commewyne to nearly opposite Zoo, land's plantation, where it was intended to cross the river to form a junction with B. G. Maitland's corps on its expected arrival there. The artillery, stores, and provisions, were also conveyed in boats by the indefatigable exertions of the navy into the Commewyne River, and an armed naval force established therein. On the 3d May, B. G. Maitland having, with great diligence, procured a number of plantation boats to convey his corps, appeared coming down the Commewynne in very good order, and landed at a plantation on the south side of that river. On the same evening part of the 16th reg, crossed the Commcwyne to join B. G. Maitland, and were followed the next day by the remainder of that reg.: orders were also given for all the troops to pass as quickly as possible, On the 4th, between two and three o'clock

B. G. Maitland's corps moved on through a wood, and approached Fort New Amsterdam within a mile to reconnoitre, with a view to extend their position towards the River Surinam, and thereby invest that fortress. 'Some shots were fired by the enemy's advanced sentinels, who retired. At this time C. Hood being with me at head quarters on the Commewyne, we received a flag of truce from the Com. Officer of the Batavian troops, with proposals to surrender on terms of capitulation, a copy of which is herewith inclosed; orders were in consequence issued to suspend hostilities until the conditions should be finally agreed upon. Lt. Col. Shipley and Capt. Maxwell of the royal navy, were sent to settle the terms. They returned early on the morning of the 5th, with two separate capitulations, sigeed by Lt.-Col. Batenburgh, commanding the Batavian troops, and Commodore Bloys, chief of the naval department; but an article in the one signed by the military commandant not being sufficiently clear, B. G. Maitland was employed to arrange the business, which being compleated to our satisfaction. at five o'clock, on the same evening, the advanced corps, under the command of B. G. Maitland, marched in and took possession of Fort New Amsterdam. The Batavian frigate and sloop of war were also taken possession of at the same hour. Having thus detailed the particulars of our short, but active operations, it is a very pleasing part of my duty to state to your Lp., the names of those officers whose situations enabled them to come forward with distinguished honour and credit to themselves. [Here Gen. Green acknowledges his obligations to B. G.s Maitland and Hughes; to Lt. Col. Shipley, Maj. Wilson, of the artillery; Maj. Robertson, Acting Adj. Gen.; Acting Com. Gen. Glasfurd; Captain M'Geachy, Assist. Q. M. Gen.; Capt. Drummond, of the Goth reg.; and to Com. Hood, and all the captains and other officers of the squadron; particularly to Capt. Maxwell, of the Centaur, and Capr. Kempt, agent of transports. The Gen. concludes his letter with the following paragraph:]I have the pleasure to assure your Lp, that the iri cipal inhabitants of the colony appear to be extremely rejoiced at the event which has taken place, restoring to them the powerful protection of the B. Gov., and the solid advantages arising therefrom. Capt. Campbell, my Aid-du-Camp, will have the honour to deliver this dispatch to your Lp.: he is a very old and deserving officer, and I beg leave to refer your Lp. to him for turther information.

On the 27th of Ap. Gen. Green and Com. Hood proposed terms of capitulation to the Gov. of Surinam, according to which he was to surrender up the colony in 24 hours. The inhabitants were to enjoy their property; the exercise of their religion, &c.; the laws of the colony to remain in force; all ships of war, artillery stores, &c. to be delivered up; the Batavian troops to surrender prisoners of war, &c. These terms the Gov. refused to accept, and hostilities continued until the 4th of May, when the com officer of the Dutch troops proposed a new capitulation. A negotiation was then commenced with him, and with the Dutch Com. Van Treslong, which terminated at last in articles differing only in some slight modifications from those originally proposed by the B. Commanders.

Total return of killed and wounded of the troops under the command of Maj. Gen. Sir Charles Green, at the assault and capture of the Forts Leyden and Friderici, in the Colony of Surinam, on the 30th of April.

3

Total-3 Rank and file killed; 1 field-officer, subalterns, 1 Staff, 1 Serjeant, and 7 rank and file wounded. Officers wounded-Lt. Col. the Hon. Géo. Cranstoun, of the 64th Reg.; Lieut. Arnold, of the R. Engineers; Mr. Hobbs, Assistant Eagl neer; Lieut. Ross, of the 64th Reg. Lieut. Brownrigg, of the 87th Reg.; B. G. Hughes.

Total return of killed and wounded of the F. Navy, under the command of Com. Hood, at the assault and capture of Forts Leyden and Friderici on the 30th of Ap.-Centaur Lieutenant, I petty officer, and 2 seamen, killed; 2 lieuts, and 4 seamen, wounded.-Drake-1 Wairant officer, killed.-Pandour-1 Seaman wounded.- Unique→ I Lieut. wounded.Total-I Lieut. r warrant officer, 1 petty officer, and 2 seamen killed; 3 Lieuts. and 5 seamen wounded. Officers killed. Lieut. Smith, fist of the Centaur, mortally wound, ed; died the following day; W. Shuldham, Midshipman of the Centaur; Mr. Boatswain of the Drake.'

Total return of Batavian prisoners taken at the conquest of the Colony of Surinam.

1 Lieut. Gen.; 1 Lt. Col., 1 Major, 19 Capts, 22 First Lts., 30 Second Lts., 1 Surgeon Maj., 6 First Surgeons, 10 Second Surgeons, 2 Serj. Majors, 79 Serjs., 110 Corps., 24 Drums., 1434 Privates, 13 Women, and I Children.-N. B. Total number of prisoners (navy included) exclusive of staff and departments, is 2001.

There fell into our hands, on this occasion, the Proserpine of 32 guns, and the Pylades of 18.———— The quantity of orduance, ammunition, and stores taken is immense.

SUMMARY OF POLITICS.

FRANCE. A concise account of the trials, which have lately taken place in France, will be published in a subsequent sheet of the Register. From what has appeared upon the subject, in the French prints, there is no reason to believe, that the proceedings have been unfair; and, it must give great satisfaction to every loyal man to perceive that pardons have already been granted to several of the condemned prisoners, amongst whom is Bouvet de Loizier, the gentleman mentioned in a former page of the Register as having had seven brothers murdered by the republicans acting under the consular government. Georges had not received his pardon when the last advices came away. Let us hope, however, that he will. If Buonaparté really loves fame above all other things, this is the man whose life be will certainly spare. Georges has been his enemy; but it was an enmity of a most disinterested and noble species; an enmity springing from a rooted attachment to the family of his lawful sovereign. It is reasonable that the Emperor should wish for some sort of security against future attempts on the part of Georges, a security that he might have without taking his life; and indeed, it is not to be supposed that Georges would ever attempt to take the life of one to whom he would be indebted

for his own. Every part of this man's conduct exhibits striking marks of bravery, frankness, and fidelity. In the circumstances of his arrest, his imprisonment, his trial, we behold an elevation of soul, which is rarely to be met with in any rank of life, and which, in Georges, the education of a cottage and the labours of a mill could not suppress. We have, in the conduct of Georges, one of the innumerable instances of the effect of turbulent times in drawing forth and putting in motion latent virtues and powers. Had no revolution

come he would never have been heard of ten miles from his village. He would have spent a long life perhaps in carrying sacks and measuring his corn and his flour, and would at last have sunk into a grave which the first summer's grass would have hidden for ever. How different, and it is to be feared we must say, alas! how different will now be his fate! Yet his name will live neither the axe nor the cord can sever that from our memory: history, in spite of fear and of perfidy, must record it; and, whatever may be the language of the present day, his character and conduct will have admirers as long as bravery and loyalty shall exist in the world.In the Moniteur there has lately appeared a paragraph, the object of which is to contradict the suggestion relative to a continental coalition against France, which suggestion, as the reader will recollect, appeared some weeks ago in many of the London prints. It was then stated in this work, that there was no ground for any such hope, and though the assertions of the French official paper do not amount to a positive confirmation of that statement, yet it is not likely that such assertions would be made if the government of France were at all apprehensive of a coalition. Indeed a coalition without the concurrence of Austria would be madness: it is impossible and Austria is not disposed to stir. She will not and cannot stir without the assistance of British money, and that money Mr. Pitt has not to give. The state of his finances is such that the very mention of an advance, to any considerable amount, to the Emperor or any other power, would throw all into confusion at the bank and in every part of the country.

Here we are then fairly at a stand. We have neither army nor money to send to the Continent. We are reduced to a dead system of defence, and, according to the sentiment of the speech at the opening of the session, the glory of England is now made to consist in preserving itself from being a province of France. Upon this

subject an odd idea has been expressed in one of the morning papers: it is this: that "in the present attitude of the British "Islands, we wish, that this country may "appear, in the first instance, single-hand"ed; but when we have demonstrated to "the world, that we are able to repel every "aggression, then indeed continental aids may be useful in chastising the temerity " and circumscribing the power of Buona"parté !" It were cruel to push this writer for the reason upon which his wish is founded; but we may just ask him what he supposes would be the consequence if Buonaparté should persist in not giving us an opportunity of demonstrating to the world that we are able to repel every aggression? Persons who hold the language of this writer seem to imagine that the French will be obliged to attempt invasion, or to make peace. Why they do so imagine it would however be very hard to guess, except we suppose them to have adopted the opinion of Sir Francis D'Ivernois, which opinion has lately been re-echoed in the ministerial papers, that the French finances are in a shocking state. This is the sort of hope that the nation was deluded with last war, but which it will not be deluded with this war, and of that fact the minister may be well assured. The French are not compel led to attempt invasion. They can and will wait their own time. They can remain as they now are for ten years without any material inconvenience; that is to say, if we pursue the systems of Mr. Pitt. But can we go on thus for ten years? Can we for five? Can we for three? Must we not, if those systems are persevered in, sink down under the weight of our expense and dis grace, to say nothing of other more fearful and more swiftly-operatung causes? What then becomes of the idea of "demonstrating to the world our ability to repel every aggression," as a preliminary to the availing ourselves of continental aid?- -It is stated, with what truth one cannot say, that the French feet in Brest harbour is very strong and fit for sea. From very good informa tion it appears that this fact is not at all improbable; and, if our fleet should be blown off, the enemy might perhaps come out. But, from every one of their measures, it is evident that the French intend to try what is to be done by delay: by keeping us in our present state by harassing us, and disgracing us in the eyes of the world; not forgetting the copious chapter of accidents, which they cannot but see exhibited in the affairs of an enemy, the interest of whose public debt absorbs five-sevenths of his re

venue, and who places bis principal reliance, for security upon men not under martial law, and having the right of laying down their arms when they please.

his friends will not incur his everlasting displeasure in preferring a vote upon the previous question. From the Lord Advocate's speech, when it comes to be published at length, it will appear, that bis powers in Scotland are fearfully great and extensive: the very description of them makes us Englishmen hug ourselves and bless God that we were born on this side the Tweed. It appears, that the opinion (see p. 938) was given by the Lord Advocate as a private counsellor at law, for a fee, but which fee,

ed to be carried into effect, there can be little doubt of its producing a total subversion of our West India Clonies. The short question to put to the House of Lords is this do you wish to produce such subversion? Those who say, that, compared with a continuat on of the slave trade, the subversion of the colonies, the ruin of the planters and merchants, the diminution of the number of our seamen, ard the consequent enfeebling of our maritime force, are, all put together, a mere trifle; those persons will, of course, persevere in their endeavours to carry the present measure; but those who think that the loss of the West India Islands would go very far to cripple and ruin and finally enslave these European Islands that we inhabit, will think twice before they vote once for the abolition of the slave tradė.

LOKD ADVOCATE. The complaint against the Lord Advocate of Scotland was mentioned in a preceding sheet, p. 938, where will be found all the authentic documents relative to the subject. On the 22d instant the matter was regularly brought before the House of Commons by Mr Whitbread, who concluded his speech with moving a resolution to the following effect: "That the conduct of the Right Hon. "Charles Hope, in writing the said letter," [See p. 938]" was illegal, oppressive, and "contrary to his official duties." After a lang decate, in which the Lord Advocate

Ended himself and was supported by the Attorney General (who moved the order of

v by way of amendment) Mr. Dallas, V. Dundas, Lord Castlereagh, Col. r. and Mr. Pitt, and in which the oriorion was contended for by Lord d Hamilton, Mr. Grey, Mr. KinW. Smith Mr. Windham, Lord. "etry, Sir John Newport and Mr.

ouse divided, when there appearorder of the day, 159, against it ty, 77The Lord Advocate tone, and called for a decision of mon, the original motion; but,

y god reason to hope, that

letter to the Sheriff Substitute was written by him in his public capacity. It is by no means unnatural to remark upon the danger that may arise from an union of these two capacities in the same person; for who will not wish to be the client of a counsellor who possesses such various and boundless powers in the state, and who is there that will not tremble at the thought of having such a counsellor opposed to him? It is not here meant to say or to insinuate, that the present Lord Advocate could ever be induced so to employ his public power as to favour the causes of his clients, and thereby increase his private practice and his revenue; on the contrary, it is explicitly declared, that he is a person not to be suspected of such conduct. But who shall give us security that his office will always be filled by men like himself? The temptation is one that ought to be thrown in the way of no man. It really does appear that the Lord Advocate acted from no corrupt motive in the affair of Mr. Morison; there is no doubt upon that point; but it should be remembered, that, had it not been for the case of his client Garrow, it is very probbie he never would have heard of the conduct of Mr. Morison, and of course, his letter to the Sheriff Substitute would never have existed, and none of the subsequent proceedings would have taken place. This union of private practice, in the courts of law and equity, with great power in the state, is one of the sources of injustice and tyranny in the American republics, where the law officers of the seve ral governments are, relatively, ten times greater n en than the law officers in England are, and where they but too often make use of their public power to favour their private practice, it being notorious that, in certain states, one way of insuring impunity for crimes committed against the public is the giving of the law-officers a general retaining fee, or, at least, becoming their client. This is very much the case in colonial governments also; and, in some respects, Scotland and Ireland do bear a distant resemblance to

colonies. While, therefore, I am very solicitous to declare my thorough persuasion that no part of the conduct of the Lord Advocate arose from a source such as I have been describing, I cannot refrain from making use of this opportunity to express. for the reasons I have given, my earnest wish that the salaries of all law-officers, particularly in our colonies, should be such as to render it perfectly proper to forbid them to pursue private practice, even in the most confined degree.- -The bringing forward of Mr. Morison's complaint, if it has no other good effect, will have that of showing how dangerous it was even to propose to interfere between masters and servants, relative to the attendance of the latter in volunteer corps. The clause which was introduced for this purpose into the bill called "the volunteer consolidation bill," was thrown out in the Lords, and well for the country that it was, or there would have been something bearing no very dis tant resemblance to a dissolution of society. This was a favourite clause of Mr. Pitt, who insisted that it was a capital mistake to consider all the time of the servant, or the apprentice, as belonging to his ma ter. This was another wild, undigested scheme, a mere whim, a showy fancy. Had it become law every master would have been at the mercy of the nearest-living pettifogger. All would have been wrangling and litigation. The system, if it can be called one, as it now stands, is productive of ill-blood, idleness, loss, and mischief enough; but what would it have been if the masters of servants and apprentices had been compelled to share their authority with the volunteer colonel or captain? As to the particular case of Mr. Morison, it is not pretended that he acted unlawfully, and that he acted harshly or unreasonably we have no better proof than the word of the other party, the very servant whom he turned away for neglect of duty and disobedience of orders. It appears that Garrow had attended the volunteer drills for four months; can we suppose, then, that the master would at last have turned him off merely for attending the drill? Is it not evident from the history of the whole transaction, that the servant must have been guilty of some gross neglect or insolence? Besides, suppose that Mr. Morison did not approve of the volunteer system? Suppose he regarded it as the most dangerous institution that could possibly exist? Suppose him to believe, that the arms, if suffered long to remain in the hands of the volunteers, would never be taken out again except by means of a civil war. Suppose him to have been deeply impressed with this opinion, it then be

came his duty, not only to discharge a man who neglected his business to go a volunteering. but to prevent, as far as in him lay, such man from going a volunteering at all. He was disobeying no law; nor would he have been, had he made it his business to dissuade all he came near from joining volunteer corps. "My mind," said the Lord Advocate in his speech, "is probably not "properly constructed, but let me ask, if a ་ person had sold himself into the service of France, and were to put the question to the First Consul," "how he could best serve him, what would be the Consul's "answer?" "You live in a remote part of "the country, where you can expect little "aid from the regular force, which must "necessarily be kept near the capital. In"telligence you can send me none; there"fore the most essential service you can ren"der me, is, to do every thing you can to "discourage, impede, and defeat the volun"teering.""If, therefore," added he, " Mo"rison had been in the direct pay of France, "he could have done nothing more effec"tually to serve it than he actually had "dope." If we admit the premises the conclusion is just; but we do not admit them. Buonaparté would have said no such thing: he would, on the contrary, have been angry with Mr. Morison for discouraging the volunteering, and, perhaps, he regards those as his best friends who have been the most zealous and successful in the advancement of that system. It is, at least, matter of mere opinion, and Mr. Morison had as good a right to follow his opinion as the Lord Advocate had to follow his.- What ground, therefore, was there for suspecting, that, from the circumstance of having dismissed Garrow, Mr. Morison was a disaffected person? Yet, it appears, that this suspicion was the chief ground alleged for the terrific letter from the Lord Advocate to the Sheriff Substitute. The part of the Lord Advocate's speech which relates to this point is too curious not to be cited: " I was not," said he,

66

ignorant, that there had existed at. Portsay, within a mile or two of the place "where Morison lived, a society called, "the Society for Universal Liberty," "founded on the principle of never ceasing

to promote their chimerical and visionary "plans so long as a member of it existed. "The conduct of this society had been such 66 as to induce the Sheriff to inform them that "he must have the honours of the sitting at "their future meetings, and, on this notifi*cation they had thought proper to dissolve. "That they did however continue to meet