Address. But I must take the opportunity of expressing my opinion, that, as that which I have just stated is the only provision in the nature of limitation or restriction (if it can properly be called either) which I think cannot be properly made except by bill-so it is the only one which I should wish to see, under the circumstances of the present times, attached to the exercise of the powers of the crown, in the hands in which we are about to place them, or in any hands in which it is fit that they should be placed.

My right honourable friend (the Chancellor of the Exchequer), has intimated an intention of proposing other restrictions, on the model, as I understand, of those proposed in 1789. As he has not entered into any detail upon them, and has professed to wish that the discussion of them may not be anticipated to-night, I will abstain from any detailed exposition of my view of this part of the subject. I will only say that, respecting as I do the precedent of 1789, so far as it rests in principle, and is established by authority, I do not conceive all parts of all that was proposed on that occasion to be of equally permanent obligation. What depended upon the circumstances of the time-the change of circumstances may naturally vary. And I own I cannot conceive a period less favourable than that in which I am now speaking, for the abrogation or suspension of any of the legitimate powers of the

crown.

If I doubted the expediency of such an experiment before this night, I have heard this night enough to convince me of its inexpediency. When the honourable baronet asked why, if such powers as it is proposed to suspend can be dispensed with for a limited time, they should not be dispensed with altogether? I do not quarrel with the justness of his reasoning; but I content myself with observing that, in 1789, there was no party in this country which would have been prepared to apply and to act upon this inference. That is in my mind a consideration, indicating change enough in the circumstances of the country to warrant great caution in adopting that part of the proceeding of 1789. The time will come for stating more at large this argument, and others which appear to me to be conclusive against the policy of such restrictions at this period, as may cripple and degrade the executive authority.

I will now only add, that I have formed my opinion upon this point upon the best deliberation that I could give to it, without concert or understanding with any party, or any set of men whatever, and with no other object than the consideration of what may be best for the public service. Having formed this opinion, I have thought it candid and honest to avow it undisguisedly on the first mention of the subject of restrictions in this House; and while I may yet hope perhaps that the decision of those who have

the conduct of this measure is not finally and unalterably made up. I am not one of those who think the executive power in this country too strong, or who think it can be weakened, in whatever hands, without disadvantage to the public interests.

I have now stated my sentiments upon the whole of this most anxious, painful, and distressing subject to the Committee. I do not concur with those who blame His Majesty's Ministers for not having sooner brought it under our consideration. On the contrary, I approve of the reluctance and delicacy which they have manifested; and if my right honourable friend could now assure the House and the country that a still further procrastination would not be attended with any injurious consequences to the country, I should, on that assurance, have no hesitation in agreeing to defer to a still more distant day the painful duty which we are now proceeding to discharge. Called upon to proceed in the discharge of it, we must endeavour to remember and to combine in our decisions, what we owe to public duty, and what to our feelings of affection and veneration for the exalted individual whose situation is the cause of our discussions; what we owe" Patria Priamoque," to our country and to our King, not doubting, however, that these duties, though double in their obligation, will be proved concurrent in their practical discharge. The

effect of the vote in which I shall concur this night is, at the same time that we recognize and record our duty, to assert our right to execute the awful trust which is unfortunately devolved upon us. The application of the right and power which we claim, will be the subject of future discussions. But I am satisfied that in using our power liberally, we shall find that we use it wisely.

THE CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER Submitted the following Resolutions respecting the Regency

"1st. That it is the opinion of this Committee, that for the purpose of providing for the exercise of the Royal Authority during the continuance of His Majesty's illness, in such manner and to such extent as the present circumstances and the urgent concerns of the nation appear to require, it is

expedient that His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, being resident within the realm, shall be empowered to exercise and administer the Royal Authority, according to the laws and constitution of Great Britain, in the name and on the behalf of His Majesty, and under the style and title of Regent of the Kingdom; and to use, execute, and perform, in the name and on the behalf of His Majesty, all authorities, prerogatives, acts of government, and administration of the same, that belong to the King of this realm to use, execute, and perform, according to the law thereof, subject to such limitations and exceptions as shall be provided.

"That it is the opinion of this Committee, that, for a time to be limited, the power so to be given to His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, shall not extend to the granting of any rank or dignity of the peerage of the realm to any person whatever, except such person or persons as may perform some singular naval or military achievement. That it is the opinion of this Committee, that, for a time to be limited, the said power shall not extend to the granting of any office whatever in reversion, or to the granting of any office, salary, or premium, for any other term than during His Majesty's pleasure, except such offices as are by law required to be granted for life, or during good behaviour.

"That it is the opinion of this Committee, that such parts of His Majesty's private property as are not vested in trustees, shall be vested in trustees for the benefit of His Majesty.

"That it is the opinion of this Committee, that the care of His Majesty's royal person, during the continuance of His Majesty's illness, shall be committed to the care of the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty, and that, for a time to be limited, Her Majesty shall have power to remove from, and to nominate and appoint such persons as she shall think