from Boston. But we waited, it seems, to be quite sure that we were actually at war? Granted for argument's sake (for no other purpose could I consent to grant it) that in the first instance there might be not full conviction of the certainty of war; but even after the American declaration was received in the end of July, no hostile measure was resorted to by this country till the 14th of October, when letters of marque were issued, upon the receipt here of the intelligence (and as might be not unfairly suspected, in consequence of that intelligence) that the Guerriere frigate had been captured by the Americans.-What is the next advance towards actual war? The blockade of the Chesapeake; and the order in council announcing that blockade, was issued, when?-the day after the arrival of the intelligence that the Macedonian, another of our frigates, had fallen into the power of the Republic. The loss of these two fine ships of war, produced a sensation in the country scarcely to be equalled by the most violent convulsion of nature. I do not attribute the slightest blame to our gallant sailors, they always do their duty; but neither can I agree with those who complain of the shock of consternation throughout Great Britain, as having been greater than the occasion justified. Who would represent the loss as insignificant, and the feelings of shame and indignation occasioned by it as exaggerated and extravagant? That indignation was

a wholesome feeling, which ought to be cherished and maintained. It cannot be too deeply felt that the sacred spell of the invincibility of the British navy was broken by those unfortunate captures; and however speedily we must all wish the war to terminate, I hope I shall not be considered as sanguinary and unfeeling, when I express my devout wish that it may not be concluded before we have re-established the character of our naval superiority, and smothered in victories the disasters which we have now to lament, and to which we are so little habituated.-Sir, I entered on these points reluctantly on the present occasion. Other occasions will arise for their discussion. I hasten to quit them. But having been expressly called upon to declare if I retained the sentiments which I before expressed upon the conduct of the war, I felt bound in fairness not to decline the avowal that my opinion not only remains unaltered, but has received additional confirmation from subsequent events. If it be true (as I believe it to be) in general, that indecision and delay are the parents of failure; that they take every possible chance of detriment to the cause in which they are employed, and afford every advantage and encouragement to the adversary; it was peculiarly true in the present instance, that promptitude and vigour afforded at once the surest pledge of success in the war, and the only hope of averting it altogether, if while the elections were pending, the

result of which was to place Mr. Madison, the arch enemy of this country, in the president's chair, a decisive blow had been struck by this country, the tide of popular opinion in America might have been turned, and the consequences of a long and ruinous war might have been avoided. I lament, for the general happiness of mankind, that no such vigorous exertion was attempted; and though I am not disposed to unnecessary cruelties, nor would countenance the wanton effusion of human blood, yet I cannot help thinking that if some signal act of vengeance had been inflicted on any part of the United States exposed to maritime attack, but particularly on any portion of their territory where there prevailed the greatest attachment to the interests of France, it would have at least been a useful warning, and might have prevented the continuance of the contest, if they had not prevented its commencement. I protest against the doctrine of half measures, and forbearance in war; for where vigour has a tendency to decide the contest, hesitation is cruelty. But with these topics I have done. Whatever may be the result of the contest, after the declaration issued by the United States, this country will stand right in the eyes of the world and of posterity. Nay, it is not paradoxical to say that we shall stand right, at no distant time, in the eyes even of our enemies in the United States; for by a singular anomaly, upon the issue of this struggle

in which America is attempting to cripple our. resources, depends not only the independence of Europe, but perhaps ultimately, the freedom of America herself.

The question was put and carried nem. con.

COMMITTEE ON THE LAWS AFFECTING

ROMAN CATHOLICS.

MARCH 11th, 1813.

SIR J. C. HIPPESLEY moved, "That a Select Committee ́be appointed, to examine and report the state of the laws affecting His Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects within the Realm: the state and number of the Roman Catholic clergy, their religious institutions and their intercourse with the See of Rome, or other foreign jurisdictions: the state of the laws and regulations affecting His Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects in the several Colonies of the United Kingdom: the regulations of foreign states (as far as they can be substantiated by evidence), respecting the nomination, collation, or institution of the Episcopal order of the Roman Catholic clergy, and the regulations of their intercourse with the See of Rome."

MR. CANNING rose, and before he proceeded desired that the motion might be read; he desired also that the resolution moved by Mr. Grattan

in April last, and then negatived, might be read also. These documents were accordingly read, the former by the Speaker, and the latter by the Clerk at the table.

And (said Mr. Canning) it is after this (Mr. Grattan's) resolution for referring the Roman Catholic petition to a Committee, has been negatived by a majority, of which my right honourable friend (Mr. Ryder) was one, that he comes forward this night to support the motion of the honourable baronet; and to accuse those of inconsistency who disapprove of that motion! I really do wonder at the versatility displayed upon this occasion by my right honourable friend, a versatility not at all belonging to his general character; but entirely owing, I must presume, to the helplessness of his cause. Nothing in my recollection of parliamentary tactics ever surprised me so much as the tactics of this evening. When I heard the honourable baronet express a doubt, whether his motion would be seconded, I confess that I felt some surprise: but when that doubt was removed by his finding a seconder in my right honourable friend, my surprise was indeed of a different description, but much greater in degree. The nature of the honourable baronet's motion; the manner in which it has been supported; the attempt made to impute inconsistency to those who dissent from that motion, because they see plainly that it can mean nothing but