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Our principal argument is, that Mr. Lancaster's plan is at least better than the nothing which preceded it,” This, we think, is virtually a concession to Mrs. Trimmer of the whole argument. And they discover their chagrin at so much labour in vain, by the closing sentence: s 'The authoress herself seems to be a fady of respectable opinions, and very ordinary talents; defending what is right without judgment, and believing what is holy without charity.” When people speak out boldly and impudently, without regard to truth or decency, we can tolerably well perceive who they are; we are disgusted with their manners, and we turn with indignation from themselves and their doctrines. But when specious characters appear insinuating good, but intending evil, when Sunday schools, for instance, are taught by Methodists and rank Dissenters, under the semblance of all that is right and religious, yet with a secret view of undermining the Church-when such a deceitful institution as this of Lancaster lays claim to encouragement, we lament the spectacle, not only of an indiscerning multitude imposed upon and led astray, but even of the good, the wise, and the great --- involved in one common error, and, with difficulty, recovering from their mistake.

On Sunday schools a great deal has been said and written; and the question has been repeatedly discussed in our Review. But facts, after all, must determine the question. One fact will weigh more than a world of speculation. We repeat this remark in reference to a passage in Vancouver's General View of the Agriculture of Devon

which appears more convincing than any arguments or any facts that have met our observation.

* From the first establishment" (says Mr. Vancouver, pp. 466, 467, 468,) " of Sunday schools, I have looked forward with dread to the probable consequences of such a measure. If the illumination of the peasant mind would make him more moral, better satisfied with his state and condition in life, and on all occasions more desirous of excelling in the exercise of those duties bis peculiar situation in society doorns him to perform ; much private satisfaction and public benefit would naturally result from such institutions. But the peasant mind, thus opened to a contemplation of various situations in life, is rendered, by these very means, dissatisfied with

Hence the restlessness of the Irish peasantry, all of whom, but slightly acquainted with the English language, are instructed to read and write." -- " Numbers annually ship themselves as redemptioners to different parts of the United States of North America - induced by the prospects from advantages-they have derived from books, .or a direct correspondence wiib their American friends.". .“ The English peasant, under the same influence, would act in the same manner.” “The disposition of the Scotch to emigrate, arises from the enlargement of the views by the education they receive when young." ?-_In certain grades of suciety, the seeking for what lie does not possess, constitutos the happiness of the individual, whilst in that pursuit the noblest energies of his nature are unfolded. It is widely different with the peasantry of a country, whose part in life is distinctly marked out;. and in which any measure that may tend to draw them beyond such

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limits, must in the end prove injurious, if not fatal, to the interest&
of the community. In short, the peasant's mind should never
be inspired with a desire to amend his circumstances by the quitting
of his cast. • What but the members from the affiliated societies,
and the number of pen and ink geutry on board oor ships of war,
created and kept up the mutiny in the navy, in the year 1797 ?
And how will it be possible to suppress communications and a con-
cert among the inultitude, when they are all gitted with the means
of corresponding and contriving schemes of sedition and insurrection?
The peasant life must be considered, with respect to his condi-
tion, as solitary, beyond the suciety of his family, and that of other
labourers with whom he is occasionally employed. Give him the
power of reflecting upon what he reads at his leisure, or receives in
correspondence from the village Hampdens of his country, and it
is not dificult to anticipate the issue of a mind bursting thus the
restraints of penury such as he is thus taught to believe, is ju.
compatible with the rights of man.”

These remarks, certainly merit the most serious attention,
although, in their utmost extent, and in their general application,
they are not entitled to unqualified assent, or indiscriminate praise.
The great disparity in the situation of the Scotch, Irish, and En-
glish peasantry precludes all coinparison. The impolicy of teaching
peasants to write is indeed so glaring, that, among men of sound
principles and good understandings, we are rather surprised that
there should be two opinions upon it. As to reading, there are
so many considerations connected with that question, that it would
be the height of improvident rashness to decide upon it without
much retlexiox on its tendency and consequences. The difficulty,
in the present state of society, of preventing the peasantry from
learning to read, should also be considered, as well as the folly,
injustice, and tyranny of compelling them to learn.

We have now extended our article to so great a length, that we
shall content ourselves with a few references to the pages of this Ninth
Volume of the Edinburgh Review, which appear to us to contain
objectionable passages ; simpiy naming the books reviewed. These

P. 2, Barrow's Voyage to Cochin-Chiva ; p. 84, Craig's
Life of Millar; p. 34*, Turnbull's Voyage round the World;
P. 407-108, Orme's Historical Fragments ; p. 426, Hunter's
Reasons for not making Peace. Cum inultis aliis.

So incorrigible is wit - -so confident, so self-conceited is youth,
when some degree of attention has been drawn to its talents and
exertions, that we do not expect to work an immediate reformation
on the Critics of the North. But we think we shall, ere long,
succeed in opening the eyes of the public to their false doctrines

, and their temerity in maintaining them. Of the personal prejudices that influence these gentlemen, and their want of candour, the public must be already aware. At all events, we are resolved tu persevere in the task which we have begun. Our motives are right; and our labours cannot ultiniately prove abortire.

Our next Article will include a Review of Volumes X. and XI.

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POLITICS.

THE suspense in which the public mind has been kept for some weeks, in regard to the designs of Austria, and the consequent stake of the European continent, is, at length, changed into certainty. Austria is now, by her own confession, placed in that situation of imminent danger which we, long since, aygured her must infallibly result from her impolitic concessions for the attainment of a prema: ture peace; and from her incautious confidence in the professions of a power, which speaks but to deceive, and moves but to destroy. And she has, at last, had recourse to those measures, and to that line of policy, which, at the same time, we insisted could alone suffice to rescue her from impending destruction. Nothing was ever more clear to us, than the tendency of that system which has, without intermission as without variation, been pursued by the rulers of France, from Brissot to Buonaparte. The manifest and the avowed object of all these revolutionary chiefs has been the destruction of all established governments, the subversion of all existing thrones, and the extirpation of all ancient dynasties. And by none has that object been pursued with more unremitting eagerness, and, lamentable to state! with more extensive success, than by the present usurper of the crown of the Bourbons. In addition to the grand revolutionary principle of surrounding France with dependent and tributary states, not merely unable to resist her power, but immediately subject to her will, Buonaparte is stimulated by another motive equally potent, and still more effective in its operation;-the desire of connecting the spurious scions of his own barbarous stock into goodly trees of royalty, whose wide-spreading brances do not extend protection and shelter to subject millions; but diffuse a deadly poison, like the fabled Upas, fatal to peace, happiness, and independence. It was always the resolution of this miserable upstart to leave no legitimate sovereign, as a standing reproach, on his throne. He meant to destroy them one by one; and, after the total subjection of Spain, Austria stood the next on the fatal list of proscription, and would infallibly be attacked with the whole force of the Gallic empire. Turkey would next

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fall a prey to the insatiate ambition of the Corsican; and lastly, Russia, having weakened herself by these impolitic and unjust wars, in which his intrigues have already involved, and will still justly involve her, for the promotion of his own interest, would be the last, and easiest prey, of the universal despoiler. Resistance, firm, decided, and general, is the only possible means of preventing this meditated destruction. Austria has become sensible of this truth, and appears to have adopted corresponding measures of energy and vigour. The proclamation of the gallant ARCHDUKE Charles breathes the pure spirit of patriotism. It is a manly appeal to the hearts of every faithful subject; it comes home to every bosom that feels for the honour of his native land; for the interest of his fellow-citizeńs, for the welfare and prosperity of the realm, for the advantages of society, or for the comforts of doméstic life; for all these, and more than these, would be annihilated if the fell tyrant should accomplish his murderous designs, We like the tone and temper of this proclamation; it breathes a determined spirit; the Archduke has not disgraced himself by the affectation of a ruinous liberality, equally unworthy himself and his

In stating what he will not do, he shows what the USURPER has done; he reproaches him with his crimes; he anfolds his base and sordid motives;. he explains his real object; and, by thus offending this irritable son of Satan, beyond the hope of forgive ness, he has not only drawn the sword, but, virtually, thrown away the scabbard.

“You shall not,” says this gallant prince to his troops, share the disgrace of becoming the tools of oppression, You shall not carry on the endless wars of ambition in distant climes. Your" blood shall never flow for foreign interests, and foreign avarice. Not on you shall alight the curse which awaits those who are compelled to annihilate innocent națions, and, over the bodies of the slaughtered defenders of their country, to open the way for a foreigner to an usurped throne." You shall not, in short, be the followers of Buonaparte, the executors of his commands, thè perpetrators of his crimes, for such are the sum and substance of this spirited address; and such language will strike to the very heart of the relentless usurper-to that relentless heart which never knew mercy, which is a stranger to every humane and generous fecling, and to which forgiveness is an alien. The die, then, is indeed cast ! The existence of Austria, as a nation, is staked

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epon the throw. The issue of this important, this aweful conflict, will decide whether the Corsican's dream of universal empire will be realiserl, or whether he will be stopped short in his career of infamy and crime. Never was a greater stake played for by contending nations. We dare not yet hazard even a conjecture on the result. We have no data on which to found even a rational opinion. But we are encouraged to hope for the best, from a knowledge of the extreme caution which has marked the conduct of the Austrian cabinet since the last peace; and from the bold language of confidence, now used by the Archduke Charles, who is no vain boaster, 'who never was lavish of professions, nor accustomed to hold language which circunstances did not authorise him to use.

We hail this, then, as a propitious event; but, like all other political events, to be rendered eicher beneficial or calamitous, according to the wisdom of thuse measures which are employed to turn it to advantage. That the most efficacious means have been adopted by Austria for recruiting her force, and for rendering it adequate to the treniendous struggle wbich she will have to sustain, we are not permitted to doubt. But, although we think very highly of the courage and resources of that brave nation, we are not of opinion that it is able to cope, single handed, with the present power of the French empire, concentrated as it is in the hands of an individual, who has never been deterred from the pursuit of any object, by a consideration of the sacrifices which its accomplishment would require.

We trust, however, that our ministers will take special care to exert every effort to second the views and operations of Austria, by making the most powerful diversions in her favour. Not only should an adequate force be employed to drive the French invaders out of Portugal and Spain, but in concert with the Spaniards we should settle a plan of, active operations, which would carry the war into the French territory, or into some of its numerous continental de. pendencies. Italy is particularly open to qur attacks. An army, which might be easily formed by reinforcing our troops at present in the Mediterranean, landed on the Calabrian coast, would be most fayourably received, and most powerfully seconded, by the hardy Datives, who abhor the French, and pant for an opportunity to shake off their odious shackles. If such a diversion, were made, while evury nerve was exerted in Spain, and the French coast was

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