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other documents of great importance, the common fate of neglect and oblivion.

“ If that part of them, employed in the foregoing pages, to exhibit an illustrious example of great talents, directed solely for the public welfare, of integrity superior to the temptation of wealth and power,

of unwearied zeal in every cause for his country's honour and disinterestedness in every public transaction, may have the good effect of carrying conviction to the mind of any future governor of the presidencies in India, that a steady perseverance in konourable and upright conduct will secure him the esteem and regard of all whose esteem and regard is valuable, and afford him that peace

of mind and heartfelt satisfaction which no wealth nor power, however great, can bestow, the present Sketch of the public Life of Lord Macartney will not have been written in vain.” P. 411.

We sincerely hope that Mr. Barrow's work may have the desirable and necessary effect which he wishes; but it is in vain to expect that governors alone will ever be able to stem the torrent of corruption, while all the subaltern agents continue to enjoy the utmost impunity, and when even directors dare not bring them to justice. We have seen that the stern integrity of Lord Macartney only served to increase the embarrassments of his government, and that it was not supported as it ought to have been in this country: how then can it be expected that any general reform can take place without a total change of system, and the introduction of other inen and other measures than what have prevailed in India during the greater part of the last century?

The Appendix to the first volume of this work is very copious, and consists chiefly of a variety of extracts from official papers relative to Lord Macartney's government of Madras, and his correspondence with Governor Hastings at Calcutta. There are four letters from Sir George Macartney, dated at St. Petersbourg in 1767, which place the talents and principles of the writer, when a young man, in a very favourable point of view. Another letter from Grenada details, with great perspicuity and strength--the two leading features in all his lordship's communications--the capture of that island by the French in 1779. Twelve different articles are devoted to the illustration of the facts stated in the narrative, by the publication of the official documents. Many of these are highly curious and desérving, even at the present day, of the most attentive perusal by all persons interested in the affairs of India, and particularly by India stock-proprietors. The plan of the arrangement of the affairs of the Nabob of the Carnatic, by

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which “ Madras, instead of being a shop of pitiful usury, would have become a city of honourable commerce, of opulence instead of misery, of real resource, not of temporary expedient,” is now no further interesting than as a damning proof of the gross mismanagement of our India affairs, and of the disgraceful incapacity of the directors. The ignorance and short-sightedness manifested on this occasion, where no evil design could be supposed to exist, are truly astonishing. As the intrigue which led to the appointment of one of the Sullivans to be minister at the court of the Nabob of Arcot, by Governor Hastings, drew forth one of Lord Macartney's most pointed and just condemna-, tions of peculators and usurers, we shall extract it. We first give the Nabob Walla Jah's statement of the grievarice, then Governor Hasting's reply, and lastly Lord Macartney's observations on both.


" In the garrisons of my forts, commandants and paymasters are sent, who, at the advice of their Dobhashes with a view to profit, lend money to the Ryots at an exorbitant interest, and afterwards are pressing for the money, and interfere in the government, and assist one another, by which great injury is done to my subjects and to myself. Let it be positively ordered that without my permission no one lend money to my subjects, and that for what is past as well as future, the interest on all loans be 12 per cent. per annum; and that if any person should act contrary to this, and should distress the Ryots, I shall complain against him and request his removal, and the Governor and Council of Madras will remove him from his office, and appoint another person in his room.” P. 447.




We are greatly afflicted that any occasion should have been afforded for such complaints as are stated in this article. They are

less repugnant to justice, than injurious to the English reputation. We are willing to engage on the part of the English Company, and of all their dependants, that no one under their authority shall be permitted to lend money to any of the Nabob's subjects for the time to come. That it shall be prohibited in public orders; and it is equitable that if any person shall act contrary to this prohibition, or shall oppress the Ryots, the Nabob shall have a right to require his removal, and the Governor and Council of Madras shall be bound on such requisition to remove him, and to bring him to a public trial, that he may suffer such sentence as shall be due to the degree of the offence, if it be established against him. But as we conceive that it will be often difficult in cases of this nature to obtain such evidence of the facts, as the strict forms of our military laws shall require; and must in every case render the Nabob popularly obnoxious by standing forth, as he necessarily must, in the character of a prosecutor, against the servants of the Company, to



whom he ought never to be known but by acts of benevolence; and as the appointment to military commands in his country is intended for his sole benefit, and the support of his government and interests, we proceed yet further to declare, that the Nabob has just claim to object to the appointment of any person of whom he shall disapprove to


command in his country, or to the continuance of any person in any such command, against whom he shall have cause of sufficient validity for his own conviction to object, and that in every such case the Governor and Council ought to conform to his objections. But the invariable application of this rule can only be admitted in a time of peace. In a state of actual war it might be productive of dangerous consequences, and the principle on which it is constructed must be therefore in such a season left to the equity of the Governor and Council, and the discretion of the Commander in Chief of the forces." P. 451,


" The complaints stated in the seventh article, which we understand are in many instances well founded, are a disgrace to the government which has suffered them to continue. It will require a strict and steady hand to prevent a conduct of which the habit and frequency seem to have deadened the sense of its impropriety. among many of the military, as well as civil, servants of the Com, pany. The crime of disobedience superadded in this instance to the baseness of usury, ought to be publicly and positively reprobated; wherever by legal evidence it could be brought home to the officer or paymaster, the punishment, no doubt, should be exemplary: he should not have the subterfuge of ascribing his disgrace to the caprice, displeasure, or political views of the Nabob. His highness might render himself perhaps as much obnoxious by procuring the removal of men from profitable situations on reasons for objecting to them confined to his own conviction, as by the allowance of proofs, to satisfy the world that they were really not worthy of being continued in such trusts. He would never have occasion to step forward as actual prosecutor : that office would fall to the charge of some of his principal ministers or servants, as it falls in England to the attorney-general; nor does it appear essential to be more tender in committing the character of the Nahob than that of our own sovereign. We find that the acts of benevolence, by which only you think his highness should be known to the servants of the Company, if exerted in gratuities, whether pecuniary or otherwise

, are utterly disapproved by the directors of the Company; the consequence of such benevolence having been thought pernicious to the service, and the strictest covenants exacted from the servants of every denomination to prevent its continuance. Declarations such as these, which bear a meaning subversive of the orders and opinions of the Company, corroborated by our other observations on your replies, contribuie to persuade us, that proper and becoming as they may have b: thought, and necessary even as they may have been found, in the ight of preparatory discourses, to soften, and gradually lead the Nabob's mind to a further acquiescence with the real and just intentions of your government, it

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would not be fair to consider them as forming part of the strict and
serious covenants of a treaty, or as doctrines to become operative
upon our conduct. We can in this view easily account for
surance to the Nabob, that the appointment to military command
in the Carnatic is intended for his sole benefit; such assertions may
be supposed to have their use, and can be inconvenient only when
construed literally, and made a ground for consequences or claims
which the public interest will not allow.

Thus it appears to uş, that it might be of dangerous tendency, and what guides us much more than our own opinion, it is absolutely contrary to the views and instructions of the Court of Directors, to suffer the Nabob to possess any degree of influence over our army. The obligation, however, which you conclude from the above declaration ought to be imposed upon the Presidency of Madras, to conform to the desire of the Nabob in the removal of officers from their commands, would necessarily give such influence to bis high

It is the intention of the Company that the disposal of their officers and troops should remain in time of peace as well as war, with the President and Council, to whom, among other matters, they have delegated that high trust. It is their duty to remove all officers on reasonable grounds, and to be attentive to the objections, and even to the wishes of the Nabob in this and in every other respect. But the ultimate decision and cletermination must be in the Company itself, through the medium of its servants residing on

P. 465. Two of the articles in this Appendix contain the particulars of his lordship’s duels with Mr. Sadlier (a member of the Council at Fort St. George) and Major-General James Stuart. In both cases, we think his lordship acted upon an erroneous principle of exposing himself to the vengeance of men (particularly the latter, for nothing is said of the former) whose conduct was so very reprehensible, not to say criminal. Lord Macartney ought not to have placed himself on an equality with such a man as Stuart; and in doing so, we think he evinced more irritableness than judgment. The resolution of “never shrinking from responsibility," is no doubt necessary to every man of rectitude; but his lordship’s practical application of it, at least in the latter case, was very absurd, The sword was General Stuart's profession, civil polity that of Lord Macartney; there was consequently no parity in their mutual risk; and his lordship's acceptance of a challenge, under such circumstances, evinced more romantic bravery than cool valour. The consideration of the second volume we must defer till our next.

(Ta continued.)

the spot.”


The Duties of the Episcopal Office ; a Sermon, preached in Bishop Skinner's Chapel, Aberdeen, on Sunday the 30th October, 1808, at the Consecration of the Right Rev. George Gleig, LL. D. F.R.S. E. to the Office of a Bishop in the Scotch Episcopal Church. By the Rev. Heneage Horsley, A.M. late Student of Christ's Church, Oxon; Prebendary of St. Asaph; and Domestic Chaplain to the Right Hon. Lord Viscount Duncani. 8vo. 2s. Hatchard. 1808.

EVER since we became acquainted with the true situation and principles of the episcopal church of Scotland, we have taken every opportunity that presented itself of expressing our cordial satisfaction in every thing that tends to promote her interest and respectability. The occasion upon which this sermon was preached, we consider, in a particular manner, as one of those events in her history which cannot fail to raise her high in the estimation of all those, who wish to see eminent talents and eminent attainments connected with the greatest and most sacred office in the Christian church.

The sermon itself is worthy of the son of the late bishop of St. Asaph; and contains those very sentiments relative to the nature of the Christian church, which were entertained by that very learned and active prelate. The subject of it is that well-known 'passage in the first epistle of St. Paul to Timothy, which begins with the words---A bishop must be blameless,” &c.

After having elucidated with much ability the more obvious and important purposes which are served by the institution and perpetuation of the Christian ministry, Mr. Horsley proceeds to set forth the sacredness and high responsibility of the office of a bishop. Speaking of the times in which our lot is cast, he says

“We live, my fathers and brethren, in an age when infidelity and heresy have raised their heads in every form, and advance upon us from every quarter ; when Socinianism, deism, and even atheism itself, meet us when we would least expect them -- in the histories of states and empires, in systems of physical science, in books professedly of mere amusement, in those miscellanies which issue periodically from the British press, professing to teach the principles of science and criticism; and even in snall tracts disseminated gratis among the very lowest of the people. The variety and extent of learning, the vigilance and firmness of mind necessary to counteract all this mischief, are qualifications that fall to the lot of but a very few men, comparatively speaking, in any church under heaven; and yet he who does not possess them, neither is

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