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people of this country were anxi-l in order to establish in Sonth ous to assist the South Americans America the doctrine of the inin obtaining their independence; herent right of every people to that many of the officers and sol- cast off their covereign, to cast off diers who had served in the late their rulers of every description, wars were anxious to enlist into and to choose new rulers for them." the service of Mexico, Columbia selves, whenever they please. and Peru and Buenos Ayres, I shall now insert the articles which had then declared them to which I have alluded; and when selves independent. Pray bear in I have inserted them, I shall have mind that at this time our Govern- to offer to you some further rement, so far from being ready to marks. There were two articles, acknowledge the independence of which,however, I shallinsert as one." the South American States, pass. I have numbered the paragraphs, ed what was called a FOREIGN from one to eleven, inclusive. The ENLISTMENT BILL, that is first article consisted of the first to say, a law to prevent the people six paragraphs: the last of the last of this country, at their own pri- five paragraphs. The first was vate expense, and at the hazard published on Friday, the 7th of of their own lives, to assist the Noveniber: the last on Monday, people of South America against the 10th of November. I beg that very Ferdinand, which this you to read the whole of the eleven Coạrier newspaper now holds up paragraphs attentively through. I as such a contemptible tyrant. insert them word for word, and This Foreign Enlistment Bill was character for character, as I find applauded to the skies by these them. You will perceive that the vile wretches of the Courier news- matter has been touched upon by paper ; it was applauded as a the French papers, and you will piece of justice, of wisdom; as a be particular in bearing in mind, thing necessary to uphold monar- that the wretches who edite the chical governments and all the Courier would never have dared principles of loyalty and religion: to put these paragraphs into their and yet, as you will now see, this paper unless they had - had AUvery newspaper is endeavouring THORITY for so doing You to prepare us for going to war, will bear in mind all these things ; if necessary; to expend, if neces- and then, when


have read the stry, more hundreds of millions, following articles, you will want


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very little from me in the way of thithin half a century, that America

This is the second time, abservation. Yet, something I

has taken so commanding a station. must say, for, you will observe | North America, towards the latter

end of the last century South one of two things is now going

America, at the commencement of take place;, that is to say, a full this, The effect will be, or rathor surrender of the States of South They have each thrown off their de

has been, the same in both cases. America to France and Spain; pendence upon the Parent States. that is, in other words, a complete fulfilment of the prophetic speech

To some it may appear to be the abandonment of those States, and of MỌNTEZUMA, That the hour of

retribution would suffering them to be taken and be others will see in it only the na

come; recolonised by France and Spain, tural effect of causes the necesor, an explicit, a decided, a prac- the efemerits of which the colonies

sary result of the development of tical and most signal acknowledg- were composed the growth of the

seeds which were sown in them. ment, on the part of our King, and The child, becomeha man, sepate of the House of Commons called rates from his parents, establishes the representatives of the people ; neither be coerced nor controlled.

an independent power, and can this grand acknowledgment from The ties that bind him to them are all these parties of the great print is reciprocation of kindnesses and

those of amity and affection there eiple of the right of sovereignty ; good offices; but the link of obethe great principle of the Sove- for ever. This is the situation of

dience and subordination is broken peignty of the People Setcn hun- South America. Spain dannot redred millions do we ovce, because duce her to subjection if she would,

and a well understood policy would it pleased our Government and the prevent her from attempting it if

Parliament to fight to extinguish she could. 1 this very principle. And are they independence of South America

The question, then, of the now going to call upon us to spend seems to be settled. It cannot be **** our money and shed our blood for prevented, it has already been

effected. But we read yesterday, the purpose of establishing this in the French Papers, of some ariu principle ? However, I am antici-maments fitting out at Cadiz, to

carry sucçours to Lima. Succours pating here: let us, before we for what? Subjugation ? Ridieunie proceed further, hear the prosti-lous! If, however, we are, in this

measure, to see the evidence of a tuted slave of corruption the hope to reduce the Colonies again COURIBR.1

to dependence upon the Mother Country, the necessity of more

immediate decision on the part of - 1041. The affairs of Europe may he this country becomes stronger. It aut il almost: said to be at present, $u- should appear as if some attempt Hun bordinate in importance to those had been made to weaken our po

of the Colonies--and the old world licy, or at least to render it subserto be an object of less interest than vient to the policy of other Powers.

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The demi - official journal of the | be used upon the subject of interFrench Government talked, the fering between a Mother Country other day, of some general deli- and her Colonies. But the case of beration upon the affairs of South South America differs very widely America some Congress of the from that of our American ColoEaropean Powers--in which Spain nies the independence of the should be the first consulted. But former is de facto accomplished Spain begins at once, under foreign all efforts have been tried against influence, to evince her disposition it and failed. L'ida so by an armament which can have

ਹੈu , only for its object the regaining

Treason has done his worst: nor steel her power over the American Co-Malice domestic, foreign levy, nothing

nor poison, Jonies. She does not then choose Can touch it further. dio sal

, todo to submit her cause to arbitration. Are we then to wait for the deci- 5. All Europe knows that we sion of any Congress ?

neither incited the Americans to 2993. Let us not be deceived.

throw off their submission, ngr None of the Powers of the Conti- fanned the flame of independence nent desire the independence of nor gave it encouragement, either South America. They may pre

direct or indirect. We did not pro*tend that they do not desire it, be- mote it-we could not prevent it.

cause it tends to the spread and What then should be our policy? encouragements of i revolutionary

Are we to wait till Spain and her principles. But the real cause is, Allies have proved the fallacy of that it must lead to the enlarging all attempts to reduce the Colonies the sphere of commercial inter to their former obedience? Are

course, and therefore may, and we to wait till they have pointed bumust, be most beneficial to Great out the path we from ourselves

to pursue ; Britain. The Journal des Debats (or, are we to act 13 said the other day--And how alone!--No doubt, whatever policy to e can it be supposed that England we adopt will be censured

our +3766 would decide at once a question

motives calumniated blak formal admission to the rank of of this we have seen see and Spain : of this importance when the misrepresented. A sufficient proof

in the present di s powers of five or six new States, contest between •50 "inhabitants, will be an event either party, All hesitating policy, co ti which will considerably change all half-measures, are beneath the od * the equilibrium of the political dignity of this great nation. A 1154 balance of nations ?The Courier shifting, truckling, trimming policy ve may add-Will seventeen millions

is utterly unwofthy such of men, remote from your reach. Iday suit States of the second orand having the means of defying a country, as Great Britain. No

and resisting all your efforts to man can applaud more than we do subdue them, consent to submit


sending Consuls and Commistheir fate and fortunes to your con- sioners to the South American trol or decision ?

States: it is the first step-a step see

? 4. Congress or not-this at least Powers were not prepared. They is evident, that Great Britain can- wished to make us subservient to not send a Minister to any assem- the delays, the turns, and windings bly in Europe that shall pretend to of Congress deliberations. We settle the fate of South America. have not waited to take upon us We know there is a very short and their trammels. But they wish to

satisfactory argument that might have 152

Shty have it supposed that we have not

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SO in form recognised the independ one of our cotemporaries" As to ence of South America. But have " independence, the question is at we not in fact? noitsige ettes

“ rest---the States are free-the ac6. It is a manly policy which

knowledgment by Spain, is not our Government has adopted. It worth a straw to England-all is the first step ; but it must be fol

" colonies are de jure Sovereign lowed by other steps; and we trust

“States, the moment in which they it will be followed by the appoint

achieve their independence, de ment of some higher diplomatic

facto. This, for the clearest of all character-of some Envoy or Mi

“ reasons, because the foundation, nister to the Colonies. This will

“ of their allegiance, is their enput our intentions beyond all doubt. joyment of protection from the It is the only policy worthy of us.

" Parent State. When the colo7. It seems strange that any per-they are no longer bound to pay

" nists cease to want protection, sons should view our sentiments the price of it; and this is one of upon the South American States 1" a class of cases in which power as breathing either war or defiance becomes the evidence of right? It is a policy upon which, we contend, other European Powers have 8. This'is what

we wished to lay no right to interfere with us nor down in limine. The South Amerido we pretend to interfere with can States are, to all intents and them. They may, or may not, ac purposes, free and independent knowledge and treat

with those States, with which any other State States ; that is their business. But may treat and negotiate, and form they cannot justly complain of our

Alliances, without any violation of exercising the same privilege. treaty or good faith towards any And here, in order to clear away in other Power. a forma

Soksophins, ausis limine the ground of some objec pro 9. But it is said, Spain has not tions that have been urged, we acknowledged their independence, must desire the public to bear this and therefore you are guilty of in mind that it is not the case of an attack upon her an incipient insurrection of the Indeed! Let us see the absurdityou Colonies against the Parent State to which this position would lead. -that it is not a struggle in which The South American States might ada the power of one side is balanced have established, as they have, bia by the power of the other, and the their independence might have m issue doubtful it is not a case in exercised all the acts of a sove-lo which a third party, stepping in, reign and independent power 20T turns the scale, and decides the conflict in favour of the side to the

and political relations with blo which it carries its weight. It other nations-Spain would not be undo of our American colonies, whose able to take any step, to do any do

act, calculated to resume her for- gni France and Spain interfered: the mer authority over the States, or etni conflict is decided--the issue arrest for vided by the stan she is by the ita- | refused to acknowledge them as ob

s from her ancient anay, might remain totally inac- lliw possessions, than ference of their respective

dif- tive and supine : yet, because shedste tionss: por has she more sovereign- free States, we are to refuse all inhen France, though we ty over them than we had over tercourse, all political relations

continued to with them whatever! Why, does 1990 bear the empty title of her King. not every one see the cutter abralidw The question has been well put by surdity and childishness of such j29d

Won T SOU BAP1024

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reasoning, if reasoning it can be American ,

States have achieved called ?

their emancipation-achieved it 58 811 gress of European powers to seen reign aid, foreign councils, or tothe fate of the American Colonies. J of all rations, could have rendered

reign encouragement. We, who, We should like to see what sort of them the most powerful assistance, a preamble such a Congress would did not, *through our Government,

express even

wish in their fa“Whereas, a certain tract of coun

vour. They fought the fight, they “try, “tant from Europe, containing their independence is established

of " abouts 470,000 square leagues, 1 – the tide cannot be rolled back. C millions, has determined that it reign States with which any nation

will be governed by its own in-Jis at liberty to treat, without afford“stitutions, and will no longer ing any just grounds of offence or "continue in a dependence, (which complaint to any other Power: it! a injurious to their best interests) 1. We have sent Consuls and "live thousand square leagues, may, and probably will

, do the and ten millions of inhabitants : same. We call this step a de factor We, the Powers of Europe, are

acknowledgment of the Sovethe best means of putting an end and we may expect further, that

to so unsatisfactory a situation of higher diplomatic character will “affairs, and of concluding some

either be sent out, or arrangement that shall be more

one of the Commissioners has; or if congenial to the policy, &c. will have, the power of taking "&c. !! Congress nay deliberate upon himself that character, as and re-deliberate, pass protocol

soon as the different Consuls have upon protocol, multiply conference made their reports upon the situan upon conference, but what would tion and feelings of the States to the seventeen millions on the other which they have been respectively side of the Atlantic say? Or what sent. del sole ollo means would the Congress possess

belako 19ito odt 10 19 og 9 d

Supposing you now to have pai. of enforcing their edicts ? To frame Sol Opinto" teeth

suitable means of articles from this all emtion, these

, 109 roue cannot bite,” is, in private paper, what is the first thing that v concerns, not a very wise proceed- presents itself for remark? Why, 10 ing ; but, in public matters, in the intercourse between nations, not certainly, the impossibility that=13 only idle but positively dangerous. the crawling reptiles who own this vin We think the Continental Powers will pause before they hold

paper and who conduct it'should bir any

s nisi 46iltering 2200 such Congress; but whether they have inserted passages like do or not, we shall neither be a these unless they had been welcro it. We shall leave the Conti- assured that the insertion of themsa nental Powers to act as they like, would be pleasing to corruption. best for our own interests. The In short, that man must know

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