The Life of George Washington, Commander-in-Chief of the American Army, Through the Revolutionary War; and the First President of the United States, Bände 1-2Phillips, Sampson,, 1858 |
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Aaron Bancroft. X He & Walters . Connellsville Fazette County , Jenna . • Priser this shif CONSTITUTION of the UNITED STATES.
Aaron Bancroft. X He & Walters . Connellsville Fazette County , Jenna . • Priser this shif CONSTITUTION of the UNITED STATES.
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... independent of Great Britain . The free exercise of their constitutional rights was e extent of the American claim at the commence ment of the controversy , and a reconciliation with the 08 [ 1770 LIFE OF WASHINGTON .
... independent of Great Britain . The free exercise of their constitutional rights was e extent of the American claim at the commence ment of the controversy , and a reconciliation with the 08 [ 1770 LIFE OF WASHINGTON .
Seite 70
... Constitution . Agreea- ble to the request of Congress , I caused The Declara- tion to be proclaimed before all the army , under my immediate command ; and have the pleasure to inform them , that the measure seemed to have their most ...
... Constitution . Agreea- ble to the request of Congress , I caused The Declara- tion to be proclaimed before all the army , under my immediate command ; and have the pleasure to inform them , that the measure seemed to have their most ...
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... constitutional rights , but as the revolted subjects of his royal master , and the unhappy men , whom the fortune of war placed in his hands , he , without regard to military rank , confined in prison as rebels , with common felons ...
... constitutional rights , but as the revolted subjects of his royal master , and the unhappy men , whom the fortune of war placed in his hands , he , without regard to military rank , confined in prison as rebels , with common felons ...
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Häufige Begriffe und Wortgruppen
adopted Ameri American army appointed attack attempt body British army camp campaign character circumstances citizens Colonel WASHINGTON Commander in Chief communicated conceived conduct confidence Congress consequence Constitution corps Count d'Estaing danger defence detachment disposition duty effect endeavour enemy engaged establish event execution exertions expected expedition experience expressed favourable feelings force Fort Mifflin France French friends garrison Gene Governour gress happiness honour hundred Indians induced influence INGTON Island Legislature letter liberty Lord Lord Cornwallis Lord Loudoun manner measures ment military militia mind Minister Mount Vernon nation necessary neral New-Jersey New-York North river occasion officers opinion orders party passed patriotism peace Philadelphia present President provisions publick reason received Red Bank regiment rendered resolution respect retirement retreat secure sentiments sion Sir Henry Clinton situation soldiers spirit superiour thing thousand tion treaty troops United Virginia WASHING wish York Island
Beliebte Passagen
Seite 187 - It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it ; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend...
Seite 182 - Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.
Seite 184 - Can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices?
Seite 183 - As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible ; avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger, frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it...
Seite 178 - The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government, presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government. All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency.
Seite 187 - Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation ? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground ? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice?
Seite 186 - The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is, in extending our commercial relations to have with them as little political connection as possible.
Seite 190 - I anticipate, with pleasing expectation, that retreat in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment. of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government — the ever favourite object of my heart — and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labours, and dangers.
Seite 180 - Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party, generally. THIS spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed ; but in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.
Seite 182 - If in the opinion of the people the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation, for though this in one instance may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time...