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"the English, Latin, Greek, and In Pensilvania there are three "French languages; in writing, splendid colleges, and numerous "arithmetic, oratory, geography, academies, and other schools, “ enpractical geometry, logic, philo-"dowed by donations from the legisphy, and such other of the liberal "lature, and by liberal contribu"arts and siences, or languages, as "tions from individuals. — The library, humane, and other use"ful societies, are numerous and "flourishing in this state."

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may be thought expedient." There is a very extensive university at Cambridge, to which a library is annexed consisting of upwards of 12,000 volumes, and a philosophical apparatus which cost above 1500l. There is another university at Williamstown, where board and tuition are very low, and which from its situation, and other circumstances, has become an institution of extensive utility and importance.

In Rhode Island the state of literature is considerably behind the other parts of New England; but there is a thriving college at Providence, and an academy at Newport, with very handsome endowments; and there are various public schools throughout the state.

Connecticut stands high in point of education. Almost every township in the state is divided into districts, and each district has a public school; and the law directs that a grammar school shall be kept in every countytown throughout the state. Academies have been established at Greenfield, Plainfield, Canterbury, Norwich, Windham, and Pomfret. There is a college at Newhaven in a very flourishing state, with a public library containing above 3000 volumes, and an excellent philosophical apparatus.

In New York state, there is a thriving college in York city, and twelve incorporated academies are established in different parts of the state, The schools are numerous, a spirit for literary improve "ment is evidently diffusing itself throughout the state,"

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In New Jersey there are two col 'leges and a number of academies, with grammar and other public schools.

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It would be tedious to go particularly through all the other states, and it would answer no particular purpose, as they may be all classed under one head. They differ materially from the Northern states; having a thin population they are not of course so favourably situated for education, but a very considerable degree of attention has been paid to the subject, both by the legisla tures and individuals, throughout them all. I shall just mention the colleges. There are 2 in Maryland, 2 in Virginia, 1 in North Carolina, 3 in Tennessee, 1 in Kentucky, 1 in the new state of Ohio, and 3 in South Carolina. I shall close the account by a particular reference to the state of Georgia where the system of education" is laid on a plan "that affords the most flattering "prospects." There is a college at Athens most amply endowed, and provision is made for the institution of an academy in each county in the state. The funds appropriated for the support of education are,— about 50,000 acres of rich land,— 6000l. sterling in bonds, houses and lots in Augusta, and other public property to the extent of 1000l. sterling in each county.

I have dwelt long upon this subject, because it is of great importance, and because it is very generally believed, that in point of education, the Americans are far behind the British. The case is quite the reverse, they are far before them,-I mean the mass of the people. I did not meet with a single native American above 12 years age who could not both read and

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write, and they are in general a very intelligent people. With politics they are well acquainted, and there are more newspapers read in America, in proportion to the inhabitants, than in any country in the world.

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I shall just confirm this statement by an extract from Morse's American Geography, on the article New England. "In New England," he observes" learning is more generally "diffused among all ranks of people "than in any other part of the "globe; arising from the excellent "establishment of schools in almost every township and other smaller "districts. In these schools which are generally supported by a pub"lic tax, and under the direction of school committee, are taught the "elements of reading, writing, and arithmetic; and in the more wealthy townships, they are beginning to introduce the higher branches, viz. grammar, geography, &c. A very valuable source "of information to the people, is "the newspapers, of which not less "than 30,000 are printed every "week in New England, and they "circulate in almost every town and village in the country." In a note headds "According to an accurate "estimate made 10 years ago it appears that no less than 79,000 newspapers were printed weekly in "the American States, which in a"year would amount to 4 millions." -There is good reason to believe that the number has since nearly doubled. He goes on-" A person "of mature age who cannot both "read and write is rarely to be "found. By means of the general "establishment of schools, the ex"tensive circulation of newspapers "and the consequent spread of learning, every township throughout the country is furnished with men capable of conducting the "affairs of their town with judge46 ment, and discretion, These meu

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EQUAL RIGHTS."

A third great national advantage is-That in religious matters THERE

IS NEITHER TOLERATION NOR

INTOLERATION, BUT UNIVERSAL RIGHT OF CONSCIENCE. The Constitution of the United States provides equally against forming any religious establishment, and against any interference with the free exercise of religion. Religion is there "placed on its proper basis, without "the unwarrantable aid of the civil

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power, supported alone by its own "evidence, by the lives of its pro"fessors, and by the Almighty care "of its divine author;" and every man may freely exercise his religious opinions, be they what they may, without at all interfering with his rights as a citizen.

A fourth great national advantage is-That the government of the country is in the hands of the people.America is what is called a Federal Republic. Each state has a legislative and executive government to manage its internal concerns; and all the states joined together for mutual convenience and security form the general or federal government. It consists of the house of representatives, senate, and president,-elected by the people,—and to them certain powers are delegated by the several states,and among others the formation and regulation of all foreign relations. The federal revenue consists at present of a tax upon imports.

From hence it will obviously appear that the government of the United States is firm.-The good education of the people enables them to form a correct opinion o their rights, and their frequent elec

tions affords them the necessary opportunities to assert them.-There is no privileged aristrocracy to corrupt them, and there are no hireling priests, to mislead them. The government and the people can have no separate interest. Peace is the interest of the country, and the government will never declare war unless they have good grounds for it. At all events any war undertaken by the United States must be sanctioned by the people, and those persons reason very widely who suppose the government will rush blindly into a war without such sanction. Indeed I think I may venture to predict that while the present form of government remains, no war will ever be undertaken by the United States but in self-defence; and if that should become necessary it will be strong, vigorous, and efficient.

Having thus delineated the peculiar circumstances of these states, so far as to shew how much the government is dependant upon the people, and how much they are interested in preserving the relations of peace and amity with all mankind; I shall now advert to the state of parties-the disposition of the present executive government; and shall conclude by noticing the dispute with this country.

The parties are distinguished by the names of Democrats and Fede ralists; they equally lay claim to the appellation of Republicans. During Washington's administration very little party spirit appeared. When Adams succeeded he introduced the maxims of what is called-firm government-a standing army, and a navy.--To pave the way for these, a batch of internal taxes became necessary; and that the hands of the executive might be sufficiently strengthened, the necessary places and pensions were created He almost instantly lost ground in the country, but is vigorous measures attached to him a number of the

place hunting gentry in towns; many of the rich merchants and money jobbers, who were aiming at contractorships, some of the rich landholders who were itching for titles, and several of the clergy whose heads were aching for mitres. The next election for President gave the parties an opportunity of trying their strength, and the result showed the democratic party to be by far the strongest; and they are likely to continue so: in truth no reason can be given, why a people should not manage their own affairs, except ignorance, and from what I have stated, it will be seen that the inhabitants of these states are far from being ignorant. A spirit for mental improvement, is every day gaining ground, and with its increase, strength will be added to the democratic party; so that if our government calculate upon any change of sentiment arising from a change of party, they calculate, in my opinion, very wide of the mark.

But in truth, a change of sentiment more favourable to Britain would not result from the ascendancy of the federal party. They flatter English vanity by avowing hatred to France, and by holding English maxims of government; but that is the mere language of party, which would vanish the moment they got into power, while their maxims would come into operation,and cause new maritime questions to arise to disturb the peace of the world, and their standing army would only inflate their pride, and make them more obstinate in quarrel, or in negociation. I have always observed, these vigorous measures men are very bad neighbours.

The present administration of America are favourable to peace, because it is the interest of the country. They are, however, differently represented here. We generally sum up the whole of the executive government in the person of Mr. Jef

ferson, and because he is not sufficiently obedient to our views, he must, forsooth, be under the influence of Bonaparte; because Bonaparte, being our arch enemy, nothing can happen on the face of the earth, in the least contrary to our wish, but he is at the bottom of it. Mr. Jefferson and those who act along with him, are, however, no more under the influence of Bonaparte than I am. Their maxim is TO CULTIVATE A GOOD UNDER

STANDING WITH ALL THE NATIONS OF THE EARTH-TO QUARREL AND ALLY WITH NONE.

But they will only cultivate a good understanding with other powers upon the footing of perfect equality. They are inclined to do as they would be done by, and they have a right to expect the same treatment in return. This is all that any honest man can wish for; but I am much afraid our present ministry are not inclined to recognize this simple, but substantial basis.

The present dispute arose in consequence of certain spoliations on the American trade in 1805; but because it would be tedious to notice all the grounds of complaint, I shall select one instance, singular in its nature, and extremely offensive in its operation. At that time several of our ships of war were stationed in the mouth of the Mississippi to intercept the Spanish vessels in the navigation of that river, to the great annoyance of the trade of New Orleans; while these very ships of war had special orders to allow Spanish vessels to pass and repass to and from our own West India islands. This, among other circumstances, led to the non-importation act. A short time after, a naval force was stationed off the entrance to New York harbour, and intercepted every thing that came in their way. But their conduct was peculiarly offensive in firing upon coasting vessels, and at length the death of Pearce, who was

killed by a shot from the Leander, lighted up a flame throughout the whole continent. This wanton act of aggression has been palliated and frittered away by writers on this side the water, but having examined into all the circumstances of the case, I have no hesitation in saying that had a similar circumstance occurred to one of our vessels, upon our own shores, ample reparation must have been made, or war would have been the inevitable consequence.

Fortunately that enemy to the human race, PITT, was by this time off the stage, and the Americans had a rational and pacific administration to deal with; who, I have. no doubt, would have healed the breach long before this time, had they remained in power. I know to a certainty that the American government had confidence in them; for in a conversation which I had with the President in October, 1806, he expressed himself to that effect; and he observed in particular, that Mr. Fox was a man of the most enlightened and liberal politics, an ornament to society, a friend to his country, and to the human race.

But in an evil hour for Britain, and for the world, the present ministry got into power by avowedly trampling upon the religious rights of man. They are said to be ener getic, and they have certainly "exerted their energies" with a vengeance. They have quarrelled with nearly all Europe, and not content with that, they seem fully determined, by the folly of their measures, to force America into a quarrel also. I pass over the foul act on the Chesapeake, because it appears to have been unauthorised, and might, taken singly, have been easily adjusted. But the late orders in council appear to me to be the most impolitic measure that ever this or any other government adopted, towards a neutral and friendly power. America cannot possibly act upon the

principle which these orders recognize without surrendering her independence as a nation, and violating her neutrality, in which case it is very obvious she would immediately have a quarrel with France and her dependencies, and that she will take care to avoid. Indeed I have little doubt but one great reason for passing those hateful orders, was to bring the question to that very issue -to force America into a war with France.

Still, however, I do not dread an immediate war with America.The ministry, impolitic as I esteem them, do not appear to have formed any hostile design against that country; but much evil may result from their domineering, bullying spirit before matters are adjusted; and as they appear to be totally ignorant of the American character, there is no saying how far they may carry their "vigorous measures" if the Americans stand firm; and this they assuredly will. From what I know of the American character, I am confident they never will submit to the restrictions we have been imposing upon their trade for years; and, in particular, they never will submit to these orders in council. What! allow their ships to be forced into this country-searched-taxed ---and licenced, before they proceed to France or her dependencies!-They are truly bold politicians who have dared to suppose they would. It is very true it may be alleged that the French government have forced us to adopt these measures by their blockading decrees; but it is strange that the policy of France towards America should be completely overlooked, viz.-That no sooner were these blockading decrees issued than the French government avowed, in the most distinct terms, that they had no reference whatever to the trade betwixt America and Britain, but that the treaty in existence betwixt America and France should

have full effect.-- They not only con tinued to act upon this principle up to the date of our orders in council, but they gave orders to Spain to release certain American vessels which were carried into that country in virtue of similar decrees, alleging that the Spanish government had misconceived their meaning.—If further proof be wanted, it is only necessary to look at the rate of insurance on American and British vessels for twelve months back.

But whatever the French government intended to do before, it is very certain they will resort to most "vigorous measures" now; for they have already passed decrees, not only to set aside the effect of our orders in council, but they proceed a step farther, and declare that if American vessels even suffer themselves to be searched by our ships of war, a measure they cannot help, they will be denationalized and liable to confiscation: so that betwixt the two contending nations the American trade is brought into a most awkward situation: our or ders in council are decidedly the cause, and the remaining inquiry is, what is likely to be the consequence? Will the present ministry revoke them? No-they have vaunted too much about their energetic mea sures! Will the American govern ment submit to them? They will not. Will France and her depen dancies acquiesce in them? No→ Bonaparte does not seem to possess a spirit sufficiently accommodating to warrant us in thinking they will. The most plausible conjecture there fore is, that America will suspend her trade with Europe-throw her self upon the defensive, and in that posture remain till the fighting folks of Europe come to their senses. When that will be God knows, but I am much afraid it will not be while the present administration remain in power. I attribute the accumulated distress which is pressing

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