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by assault; and he there lost 1700 men. When the inhabitants saw that Harsch was determined not to surrender till the assault of the body of the place, which was battered down with balls, the oldest priest carrying the host, the magistrates, women, and children, all thronged to him. The fire from the ramparts continued as before; and when the breach was wide enough to enter in companies, on the 1st of November, he abandoned the town and retired into the citadel. This was followed by defending, fighting, writing, demanding, refusing, granting, prolonging suspensions of hostilities till the 21st. and then by capitulating.

Farewell to the Empire! farewell to its two bulwarks! was the general cry at all the courts of Germany, which were dying of fear. Why are they incorrigible. If little ministers and great or little mistresses were not gained by France, they might raise 100,000 men to defend in the first place the passage of the Rhine; and then the fortresses erected, and to be erected. There are very bad Germans in Germany,

The same courts and states of the Empire having crossed me, as some years before they had done Prince Louis of Baden, had rendered it impossible for me to relieve those two places. This I confess horribly disgusted me of the war, so that I was one of the first to advise the emperor to make peace. France had been making prodigious efforts: her resources are infinite. 'Tis the will of one individual and of one nation. The Austrian monarchy is composed of five or six, which have different constitutions. What a difference in civilization, population, and impor tance! The title of emperor does not bring in a single man or a single kreutzer. He must even negociate with his empire that it may not be French; with the Bohemians that they may not run away into Prussia, and Saxony for fear of be coming, soldiers; with his Lombards, who are ready to turn Savoyards; with his Hungarians, ready to turn Turks; and with his Flemings, ready to become. Dntchmen.

[Soon after the disasters related above, the Prince was appointed by the emperor to negociate a peace with France, M. Villars, was the ambassador of Louis XIV. The preliminaries were signed at Rastadt on the 6 h of March, 1714]

I could not help langhing at the titles assumed by the emperor: such, for instance, as King of Corsica, of Algiers,

of Jaen, and of the Canaries; Duke of Athens and Neopatri; Lord of Tripoliy &c. and by the side of these the most serene Prince and lord Louis XIV. then my titles in abundance; and beside them, the general of the French army, named de Villars: and I admired the imperti nence of our chanceries.

1715. When I heard of the death of Louis XIV. I confess it produced upon me the same effect as an old majestic oak uprooted and overthrown by a hur ricane. He had been standing so long! Death, before it erases great recollections, recals them all at the first moment. History is always indulgent towards be ginnings. The commencement of the reign of this great king had no need of any; but now age had blunted the claws of the lion.

1719. The emperor made me his vicar-general in Italy, with a salary of 150,000 florins.

Alberoni, our inveterate enemy, being dismissed, and his Philip IV. having acce ded to the quadruple alliance, I had time to think of my pleasure. It was my fancy to build my palace in the suburbs somewhat in the Turkish or Arabie taste, with my four towers, which I well know were not in any genuine style of architecture, but they called to mind a great event. It was the spot where, in 1529, the Grand Vizier had pitched his tent; and I constructed my menagerie at Beugebey exactly like the Mufti's camp, with towers in which there had been tents for prayer.

The arrangement of my maps, plans, and fine editions which I had bought in London, and of the excellent French, Latin, and Italian works, well-bound, afforded me occupation, as well as my cascades, large jets d'eau, and superb basons. To return to my towers, for which I was censured, I replied to those who found fault with them: "I am as well acquainted as you are with the five Grecian orders, and also with the seven orders of battle of Vegetius I like to have an order of my own in both sciences, and I have invented one.”

A very agreeable moment for me was occasioned by a Turkish embassy. Thie Grand Signior sent me the two finest Arabian horses. I ever saw, a scymetar, and a turban, with this message: "The one is a symbol of thy valor, the other of thy genius and of thy wisdom." I like this eastern compliment, and' distrust those of Christians.

1722.-L had not much to say; and

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very little to do.
Charles VI. displayed
his magnificence at the marriage of his
niece. I gave entertainments too, and
must confess that I was delighted with
my military court, and my old comrades.
That of the emperor was naturally more
illustrious in point of rank, but not in
merit. All the most distinguished per-
sons in the empire were there. But the
situation of La Favorita, in, a street of
the suburbs, was not favorable either to
diversions or dignity. The dresses were
all superb; but taking no pleasure in pa-
rade of that kind, I often wore my uni-
form, and some of the generals followed
my example.

I received a great deal of company at my house between dinner and the play, because I find that more business may be done in a drawing-room than in a closet. I walked about with some foreign minister, or sat down in a corner with one of our own people; and a communicative air makes others talkative. On the other hand, I often see the reserve of others repel every body; and, concealing their me diocrity under the cloak of gravity and discretion, these gentlemen know no one, they are unacquainted with public and private opinion; and less secret than discreet, they are strangers to all that is passing. 'Tis thus that sovereigns are often deceived for want of mixing with society. 1723.-Charles VI. went to be crown. ed king of Bohemia: more pleasures and ceremonies. Charles had a reserved Spanish air, and took but little pains to laugh, though he was very fond of buffoons. This is always the case with people who are not naturally cheerful. He was good and just.

preparing in England, after you have made peace, do not begin again; and never threaten any power, till you are ready to strike. A young and ambitious monarch at the head of that, would conquer the world. Fortunately when Louis XIV. was young, he speedily returned to Versailles to dance l'aimable vainqueur, and to hear an opera by his panegyrist Quinault: and at present he has not long to live." Though Joseph was not a bigot like his successor, he would never have deceived the share-holders of the company of Ostend, and with his magnanimous character he would not have crouched, like him, to the maritime powers. He one day said to me: “ Had I been in my father's place, I should not have run away to Lintz, when you entered into our service. I would not have suffered myself to be shut up in Vienna; but would have acted as aid-de-camp to the duke of Lorraine, at the battle of Vienna. I know what courtiers are. I saw enough of them at the siege of Landau. They pretend to tremble for us, and it is for themselves they tremble all the while." The severe and frigid Leopold was not fond of Joseph. He was more partial to Charles, his younger brother, who was less petulant, and more of a Spaniard in every respect, and could not forgive his love of pleasure, and his bursts of passion. It is true he was once guilty of great indecorum in beating, in his presence, and that of a large company at a public entertainment, one of his people who did not pay proper attention to him.

1724. I applied myself a good deal to internal affairs. I said to the ministers: "Cannot you disband this host of underLeopold, in my opinion, had more un lings, who prevent the money from reachderstanding; but Joseph, who possessed ing the pocket of the sovereign; constill more than either, was amiable, and trive a tax proportionate to the income or would have governed in his own person, earnings of each individual; provide haI said to him, shortly before bis death: bitations for paupers, and set them to "Employ, sire, none but honest men; work; consult the English, the Dutch, but if you sometimes find a scoundrel the bankers, for a good system of finance willing to undertake the dirty work of in- and manufactures; invite Flemings to imtrigues, and not ashamed to have his con- prove our agriculture; bring our heaths duct disavowed, make use of such an one into cultivation by means of the mouks without esteeming him. The honor of or the soldiers, for whom villages might states is not so ticklish as that of indivi- be built on them; borrow of the clergy duals. Bad faith and meanness, inde- at two per cent.; dig a bed for the river pendently of the abhorrence which they Wien, to carry off the filth of the esexcite, are not sound policy. But addressplanade, which infects the city, and conand dissimulation are allowable. You do not love France; that I think perfectly natural, for though beaten by us at present, she possesses more resources than your Majesty. If we continue successful, notwithstanding the change which is

struct a fine quay planted with four alleys of plantain-trees or acacias; join the rivers by canals; cause the roads to be repaired by the proprietors of the adjacent lands, without raining the government by constructing them; double our

population

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population by the Huguenots of France, and the emigrants from the empire who are ill used by their petty tyrants of Sovereigns?

I said to our generals: “Cannot you, to spare the emperor's subjects, raise regiments of Turks, Poles, Prussians, Saxons, and Italians, by inducing them to desert, and enlisting deserters; raise an Hungarian, Austrian, Bohemian, and Walloon army, with none but officers of their respective nations to keep alive eniulation; give furloughs to native sub. jects; keep up strong garrisons at Vienna, Presburg, Olmutz, Gratz, Lintz, Brussels, Luxemburg, and Milan; form an entrenched camp on each frontier, since fortresses are too expensive; and encourage the breeding of horses, that money may not be carried out of the country?

Report has given a mistress to Charles VI. as to any other person--the Spanish Altheim, though she was no more his mistress than the Italian lady was mine formerly, or than Bathiany is now: but as his friend I said to her: "Cannot you persuade the emperor to gain the love of the electors and first princes of the em pire; to draw them to Vienna by magnificent fetes; to give them the order of the fleece, or some other to their ministers, or colours to their bastards, and pensions or handsome recruiting-officers to their mistresses.

To the emperor I said: "Prevent the Prussian's, sire, from rising; the Russians, from forming and acquainting themselves with our affairs; and the French from gaining the preponderance. Your monarchy is rather straggling; but for that very reason it adjoins the north, the south, and the east. It is moreover in the centre of Europe, to which your majesty ought to give law.

1726-After having been a soldier, minister, grand vizier, financier, postilion, negociator, I was at last made a merchant. I established the Ostend company, which the gold and jealousy of the maritime powers caused afterwards to be suppress ed; and another at Vienna, to traffic, export, and navigate, upon the Danube and Adriatic sea, where I converted Trieste into a port capable of containing two squadrons of men of war, to escort and protect the merchant vessels. I directed other small ports, or at least shelters, to be formed in the gulf of Venice, the advantages of which were acknowledged by the whole monarchy.

1727.-I spent the whole year in consulting merchants, bankers, and men of MONTHLY MAG, No. 205.

business; in drawing them over from foreign countries; in writing to England and Holland, for the purpose of establishing good commercial houses at Ostend and Antwerp; and to Spain, Italy, and even Turkey, with a view to establish others at Trieste and Vienna. This interested, amused, and occupied me exceedingly. I frustrated the miserable plans of our ministers of finance, who had never studied or traveled. I occasioned the 'settlement among us of consuls, a kind of people to whom we alone were before strangers. I formed studs in Hungary and Bohemia, for breeding horses, that money might not be sent out of the country: and I can affirm that the em peror's affairs never went on so well, and perhaps never will again, as they did during these ten years.

1729. To complete my work (at Trieste) I had to battle a good deal with the too-righteous Catholics and large wigs of this country. The Jesuits are indula gent when you know how to manage them. They were very useful to me in procuring a cessation of the persecutions practised upon the Protestants in my fleet, who were forbidden the exercise of their religion. The only sailors left me were those who had none at all, or hypocrites. This was still worse; for how could I trust these two classes of people, who had no fear of God, but only feared the emperor? The honest Swedish, Danish, Hamburgh, and Lübeck sailors, and merchants, returned or remained: thanks to a couple of Protestant ministers whom I kept on board of our ships.

1730-At length I enjoyed the plea sure of having the first fair at Trieste; and after some labor upon the finances, to find money enough to raise 36,000 men, with whom the emperor resolved to augment his army. He was right to hold himself in readiness for all events: 'tis the way to preserve peace. But I thought I could perceive that certain intriguers for their own private interest, or certain zealous, but shallow persons, would no be displeased to produce a rupture on the first opportunity. The French are clever in discovering what passes; and by these means are always in a better condi tion than others.

1732.-The court of Versailles, for example, was not duped by the journey to Carlsbad, whither I accompanied the Emperor, who gave out that he was going for the benefit of the waters. It is obvious that some interview was in contemplation, The King of Prussia was 2X waiting

waiting for us at Prague, and the moment
I had dressed myself to pay my respects
to him, who should enter but His Majesty.
"No ceremony," said he to me, "I am
come to chat with my master." He was
a Charles XII. of peace; he dreamt of
nothing but military matters; but these
were only parades, exercises, short coats,
little hats, and tall men. I was obliged
to hear him talk on all these subjects, of
the fine order of his troops, and of his eco-
nomy. Here I took him up, al advised
him to amass plenty of money and plenty
of men, to defend us if we were attacked;
for my system, as may be perceived, was
not to make war, but to create a barrier
against France, in order to take from
her all inclination to attack us. Prefer
ring friends to allies, who are often trou-
blesome, and a kind of tutors, I only
engaged him not to declare against us;
knowing his avarice, I was apprehensive
lest we should not prevail so far. I per-
suaded Charles VI. to descend a step from
his Spanish haughtiness, and at least to
give him a friendly reception. He gave
him a handsome entertainment, which
cost a good deal of money. I prevailed
upon all the Bohemian nobility to pay
the highest honour and respect to the
king. He would have preferred a review
to a ball, but that was not our forte. I
was so well satisfied with the higher tac
ties as to care nothing about wheeling
to the right and left, and the handling of
arms. The contrast of the dignity and
magnificence of our emperor in a mantle
of gold, with this royal corporal, was very
amusing. He returned to Potzdam, and
we to Vienna.

1733.-It was about this time that I clearly perceived the diminution of my influence. The king of Poland died in the month of February. Russia proposed to assist us in securing the election of his son Augustus III. in spite of France, who was desirous of again seating Sta nislaus upon the throne. A great conference at court; scarcely any division of opinion: that for making war belongs principally to those who take no part in war, as the ministers, the priests, the women, and the loungers of a great city. I said one day in a company where they were clamouring on the subject: "I wish that your Excellencies, and you ladies, were each obliged by the emperor to pay 4000 ducats; and that you fine gentlemen had to march immediately with muskets on your shoulders." This reminds me of two lines which I read some time ago, I know not where:

Et pour un soufflet qui ne se battrait pas,
A la mort fait courir pour l'honneur des états.

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At length it was asserted that the socalled honour of the state was compromised, if we did not go to war. "I recognize it not," said I to the ministers, except when it is supported by powerful means: those of France never were so strong as at present; her finances are in the best possible state, in consequence of twenty years of peace. We have had scarcely ten since the peace of Westphalia; that is to say, for a period of near eighty years. Her administration is wise." I would not roundly declare that our's was not, but I hinted as much. "What have we to do with a war so foreign to the Germanic body, which will make this reflection, and send us no as sistance? The Russians are too distant to afford any; and before they arrive, the Empire and Italy will be overrun. Recollect the versatility of England in my better days: she is ever ready to begin again. A mercantile policy is always to be heard at the doors of parliament. The Englishman, just, noble, upright, and generous, on Ins private account, is the contrary in behalf of his country. Tis a land of contradiction, whose constitution the ocean alone supports; as bad faith in speeches, and a desire to shine,support the opposition.

The haughtiness and unskilfulness often manifested by the emperor's envoys at foreign courts, frequently cause them to slip away from him, and render it impossible to reckon upon any thing; and notwithstanding my conversations with Liria and Robinson, I would lay a wager that Spain will declare for France, and England will remain neuter."

Good as were the reasons which I alleged to prove that France would be very glad to find a pretext for a war with us, and bad as were those employed to refute them, the latter nevertheless prevailed. It was perhaps supposed that I should refuse the command of the army, which was offered me out of compliment; but this was a mistake, for I accepted it. For my own part individually, I am fond of war; and in this I wished to meet the fate of Turenne.

Before I had time to assemble the army, the command of which till my ar rival was given to the duke of Bevern, and while I was making all my arrangements with the council of war, what I had foreseen happened. On the 28th Oc tober, the French had taken the fortress of Kehl, levied contributions throughout

the

the whole Empire, and overrun the Milanese. Sardínia and Spain had declared against us. In vain I represented to the Empire till I was tired, that the aggression of France ought to make it declare in our favour: three electors protested against such declaration, alleging that this invasion concerned only the head of the Empire; that it was only a passage through for the purpose of attacking Austria, and that France had promised to restore all she had taken as soon as the emperor should dissolve his connection with the elector of Saxony.

1734.-1 arrived on the 25th of April at Heilbron. On the 27th I reviewed the army a few leagues from Philipsburg. I still shed tears of joy, tenderness, and gratitude, whenever I recollect how I was received with repeated shouts of "Long live our father!" and thousands of hats thrown into the air. The old companions of my campaigns in Hungary, Italy, Flanders, and Bavaria, crowded to embrace the tops of my boots; they surrounded me, embraced my horse, and even pulled me down with their caresses. This moment was certainly the most delicious of my life; but it was embittered by the reflection that I had only 35,000 men, that the enemy had 80,000, and announced his determination to march to Vienna. I conducted them into the lines of Ettlingen; but these were calculated for 100,000 men, and I had no inclination to repeat the affair of Denain. I abandoned them, but I made so many marches and countermarches, and played off so many stratagems, that I prevented Berwick from penetrating into the interior of the country. He had nothing else to do than to lay siege to Philipsburg. This was what I wanted, in order to gain time. His head was there carried off by a cannon-ball, eight days after the opening of the trenches. I was envious on this occasion, and it was for the first time in my life. I was disappointed in this plan, as well as in that of attacking the French in their lines. I thought I had discovered a place badly fortified, and with a small quantity of artillery; they had neglected it because it was covered by a morass which I had been told was passable, but which I found it impossible to get across, for I went myself to reconnoitre it: one cannot implicitly rely on any report. This has been my practice all my life; I have found the benefit of it, as well as of constantly having a pencil in my pocket, to write down in an officer's tablets the order which I give him to carry. 1

*

I had received some Hessian, Hano verian, and Prussian, reinforcements among whom I distinguished the prince royal, who appeared a young man of in finite prontise. D'Asfeld has surpassed himself. Never did I see any thing so strong; for instance, his ditches, or trous des loups, were conical, and superior to those of Condé at Arras: it was from this reconnoitring that I formed my opinion of the young prince whom I have just mentioned. When I resolved to fight, I never assembled a council of war; but this time I was sure that every one would be of my opinion. I determined to cross the Rhine, and to re-cross it higher up to attack D'Asfeld. For this service I had destined 3000 cavalry and 10,000 Swiss.

This devil of a fellow had all his wits about him, and at length took Philips burg, in spite of my cannonade of his camp, in which I acted the Grand Vizier of Belgrade, for my batteries and paras pets were elevated to re down upon it, and the water, besides, was still more terrible than the fire. I relied more upon the effect of the one than of the other. But what a nation! capable of every thing. Richelieu, whom I had known a Sybarite so delicate and voluptuous, the young courtiers, the Duras, and the La Vallières, were metamorphosed. They only want a leader. D'Asfeld was a rigid Spartan, and set a good example; and before him Berwick held them awe. They threw up the trenches in boats, and endured every hardship with unequalled patience. I never had any, for my part, under mental sufferings. The first that had attacked the other would have been beaten, and had that been my lot, the French might have gone to Vienna, for there was no fortified place on the way, or upon the flanks: and the elector of Bavaria, who had subject of complaint, only waited for this to declare against Austria, whose haughtiness or awkwardness made it friends no where. should have lost the few we had. There was no Sobieski to save the capital; I should have retired within the lines which I constructed in 1705; but meanwhile Te Deum would have been sung at Versailles, and in the chapels of some of my enemies at Vienna. People there at length became sensible of the justice of my reasons against the war, for they then perceived the inferiority of our

We

means with which the barkers and firebrands of society cannot be acquainted. Philipsburg being taken,

retired to

* Afterwards the great Frederic,

my

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