cotton imported into Great Britain being derived from them.

Mr. Brougham has shewn, that in the shipping employed between this country and the West India colonies, there are more seamen in proportion to the tonnage than in any other trade, being that of One man to every fourteen tons.

From the official reports made to the House of Commons of the tonnage and seamen employed in that trade, during the year 1804, it appears that the former amounted to 236,580 tons of shipping; and that 17,680 seamen were engaged on board of those vessels. The proportion, in this instance, exceeds the estimate of Mr. Brougham; there being one man to every thirteen tons. But Mr. Lowet estimates the number of men, including those engaged in fisheries dependent on the colonies, at 25,000 men, which would reduce the proportion to one man to about each nine tons. The same gentle. man has stated most decisive reasons for the preference given to this trade by the lower classes; and he has also shewn, that the inducements held out by it, are so great as to lead many to enter into the sea service, who would otherwise have shunned it. He has done this, and indeed every part of his subject, such ample justice, that the repetition of the facts in this place would be a superfluous labour.

There is another consideration which has been too generally overlooked: that the intercourse between Britain and her colonies, replaces two British capitals, while all others replaces only one.

Such are a few of the advantages enjoyed by the parent state: the next object of attention is the disadvantages under which the colonists labour. They are too goading to be overlooked. To a large class of them the legislature has of late afforded some relief, which has however been imperfect. To another (the cotton planters) there appears to be no intention of affording any aid; for every petition that has been forwarded to the Board of Trade, has been dismissed without the relief sought.

Every man in this empire is deeply affected by the prosperity or adversity of the colonies; for should the evil become too great to be borne, ruin must ensue to those immediately dependent on them:

Colonial Policy, vol. 1. p. 17. † Inquiry, &c. p. 11.

and all the taxes now paid by them, must be drawn from the parent state.

It is an awful and important truth, that Britain cannot exist with a smaller revenue than she at present possesses. Landholders, as well as the mercantile interest, should weigh well this fact, and act in such a manner as to promote their own interests no less than those of their fellow-subjects.

These circumstances apply perhaps in a greater degree to the sugar than to the cotton colonies: there is another peculiarity connected with the latter.

Raw cotton has become nearly with wool, a staple of these kingdoms. The unrivalled excellence of our manufactures ensures us the market wherever we have access. At present we derive the cottonwool which is manufactured or exported in its raw state, from our own colonies, from the United States of America, the Brazils, the Spanish colonies, the Levant, and the East Indies. Of the whole of this, above one-third is imported from the British colonies. On this we can always calculate, barring the risk of crops, and of capture; the last being much lessened by the expulsion of the French from the western hemisphere. All obtained from foreigners is dependent on their caprice: of this America has afforded an admira. ble illustration.

In 1808, the quantity of cotton imported from North America was only 10 millions of lbs. being thus reduced to little more than one-third of what it had been for the three preceding years, and to one-fifth of what it has since been. The other independent states may be equally whimsical, or their interests may be different from what they now are. There are also physical objections to some of the cotton-wool obtained from foreign sources: that from the Levant being only fit for the coarsest manufactures, that from India is either coarse or fine in the extreme, and cannot be generally used. The expence, too, of freight is four times that froin the West Indies.

Unless the colonists obtain relief, they must and they will seek it for themselves. It is true that they are without the means of revolt; their peculiar situation, their inclinations, all concur to oppose such a design. This furnishes an additional claim on generosity.

There is a pitch, however, to'which only the chords of attachment can be tuned; if wound farther, discord is produced, and at last they are broken for ever. Men who

who are then rendered active from necessity, will devise means of relief; those of active redress are not in their power, but they may share their wrongs with those who now inflict them, by withdraw ing themselves and their slaves to some country, where they will receive that protection which is denied at home. And even should this dread alternative not be adopted, the dissatisfaction excited by such real causes will not be confined to the breasts of the immediate sufferers. It will spread rapidly, and may ultimately excite efforts which are much to be deprecated. Men will not be oppressed, nay absolutely defrauded, without a mur. mur or complaint.

These evils will result from the calamities of the whole of the West India cofonies; if a part only suffers, the mischief, though less general, will be proportionably destructive to all connected with them. The cotton colonies are therefore entitled to their due share of attention from the legislature. A statement of their former and present situation, in all respects, will next be given; it is fatally correct, and needs no embellishments to heighten the miseries it contains.

Ever since the British have engaged in colonial speculations in the West Indies, they have made the culture of the cottontree in some degree an object of attention. For a long time it was partial, and confined to very few situations: the increasing enterprise of the mother country did not, however, allow West Indian industry to be exclusively confined to sugar; but, by improving the manufactures at home, it gave a new impulse to the western world, and cotton has gradually become an object of more general attention.

The West Indies, for a considerable period, supplied nearly the whole of the British demand. About thirty years ago, the Dutch settlements on the coast of Guyana first attracted the attention of the cotton-planters; and about the same time North America engaged in similar pursuits in her southern states.

During the progress of this cultivation, the extension of manufactories at home, produced a corresponding demand for the raw material; which was principally supplied by the British colonies, including those on the coast of Guyana, and which were captured in 1796 by the British. A few years ago, the foreign planter discovered that Britain was the best market for this produce; and since that

occurred, the North Americans have introduced enormous and increasing quantities of cotton-wool. The produce of the Brazils was monopolized by Portugal previous to the occupation of the latter country by the French; it has since found a vent in Great Britain. Unimportant as the quantities undoubt edly are that are derived from other sources, they also increase. Foreigners, as well as our fellow-citizens, are thus protected, in a way that does not seem quite congenial to the common notions of justice.

The following statement will enable the reader to appreciate fairly the real miseries of the British cotton planter, who suffers for the benefit of foreigners.

In the British cotton-colonies immense capitals have been vested, and large tracts of country have been devoted to the cultivation of this article. In point of national importance, these colonies have been rapidly increasing, as will be seen by reference to table C. (in our next.)

The original expence of forming plantations, and of rendering them fit for the purposes for which they are now used, was very considerable, as will be more evident when it is recollected that the barren uncultivated tracts which have beer rendered productive and fuitful, were remote from all those facilities which we possess so aimply at home; that the whole labour of clearing away immense forests, and of draining swamps or unhealthy lands, was performed by negroes brought from Africa at a heavy expence, who for a time were entirely dependent on foreign supplies for sup port. A calculation might be instituted; but the facts are so strong, that the general position may be assumed without fear of being questioned.

From the very nature of our West India colonies, they must even now, and at all periods, be in a great measure dependent on other countries for some of the most important necessaries of life. The constitution of the society precludes manufacturing the inost common articles, and they do not possess all the means of support.

The monopoly secured by Britain to herself, enhances the price of whatever is derived from her, as provisions can always be obtained much cheaper from North America-but this is inconsistent with the notions of those who have the power of remedying the mischief.

The

The effects of this monopoly are decidedly hostile to the British cottonplanter, for it increases the real cost of his property, while it depresses the value of his produce. Of this, however, more will be said hereafter: at present, the allusion is sufficient to confirm the estimate of the value of such property. It may be here remarked that clothing of every kind, as well as provisions, is exported from this country.

It appears from a careful comparison of these circumstances of the real value of cotton estates, (taking every source of expence into consideration), that the average value of each acre of land may be stated at between 140l. and 150l. sterling.

Each acre (as proved by an average of ten years) produces about 200lbs. net of cotton wool.

(To be concluded in our next.)

To the Editor of the Monthly Magazine.

SIR,

URING the current month, various D dealers in money and negociable paper, commonly called Bankers, have stopt payment in town and country, and ruined many honest people.

As however it is the professed object of this description of traders to become the depositories of other persons' spare cash, and as they seldom or never lend money for any useful or benevolent purpose, it appears to me that no banker can honestly become a bankrupt; and therefore, that when he does, he ought to be rendered the object of some especial punishment.

Men whose sole business is that of receiving other peoples' money, of which they are bound to be the guardians, do not live in the same relation to society as traders in merchandize. These latter are liable to bad debts, unsuccessful speculations, fluctuations in markets, and even in money matters are subject to the tricks, manoeuvres, and illiberal practices of bankers themselves. Bankers, however, who obtain the use of large sums without interest, are morally bound to enter into no speculations which place at hazard the money confided to them; and ought every night to compare their obligations with their resources, and be able, if needful, at a few hours notice, to restore to every man that which has been confided to them. Yet so little is this the practice, that bankers proceed in business from year

to year, and from generation to generation, rich in the use of their customers' money, and living in great style on the principle of never settling accounts.

Were bankers in general called upon to pay back to every one his own, aud balance with the world, is it not to be feared that not one in ten would prove solvent, nor one in four be able to pay ten shillings in the pound? How often has it happened, on the failure of a large banking-house, which has for years maintained in insolent splendour the families of five or six partners, that a tardy dividend has been obtained of half-a-crown, or five shillings, in the pound!

At the beginning of the French revo lution, the bankers of France lost the public confidence, and ruined thousands of families, paying in general but trifling dividends; and the consequent exasperation of the public mind, led to many of the horrors of the revolution. The same cffects would probably arise in England on an invasion, or on any public event that night create general alarm.

It is my advice then, that the banking system be placed under legislative regulation; that bankers be compelled to give security to public functionaries for amounts proportioned to the extent of their credits, and especially to their issues of notes-a regulation adopted in the United States. At present they are dangerous, because delusive, establishments; they encourage and sustain monopolists and monopolies, and they play tricks with the circulating medium, which ought not itself to be an object of traffic!

COMMON SENSE.

To the Editor of the Monthly Magazine.

SIR,

THE

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