Rachel steals those of her father Laban, and, when he asks for 'his gods,' she conceals them in the camel's furniture (Gn 311935). Later, Jacob buried these 'strange gods' under the (sacred) terebinth of Shechem (352-4). Here teraphim signifies small statues representing strange gods. Micah has in his sanctuary an ephod and teraphim (Jg 17-18), which were used in the worship of Jahweh. Hosea also mentions the teraphim, connecting them closely with the 'êphód as one of the indispensable elements of the Israelite cult of his day (34) Michal assisted her husband David in his flight from Saul by putting the teraphim' in bed in his place (1 8 1913); for the subterfuge to be successful, the teraphim in question must have had the size and appearance of a man. From this anecdote we gather that in the time of David the teraphim was one of the normal articles of furniture in an Israelite house. On the other hand, in all texts belonging to a date later than the 8th cent. B.C., the teraphim are condemned side by side with divination (18 153), necromancy, and idolatry (2 K 2324). Nebuchadnezzar, besitating between two ways, consults the oracles: he shakes the arrows to and fro, consults the teraphim, and inspects the liver; the divination for Jerusalem having come into his right hand, he sets his face towards that town (Ezk 2126f.). Here teraphim is used for a pagan means of divination. In Zec 10% the word is used of a pagan or illegal mode of consultation (connected with soothsayers and dreams).

The suggestion has been made that teraphim should be identified with graphim (C. S. Wake, Serpent Worship, London, 1888, p. 47), but there are no clear grounds for adopting it.

Others think that the trāphim were statuettes used as sortes and enclosed in the 'êphôd, which would then be a kind of pouch (Foote, op. cit.; K. Marti, Kurzer Handkomm. xiii., Tübingen, 1903, on Hos 3*; cf. John Spencer, de Leg. Hebræorum ritualibus et earum rationibus, Cambridge, 1685, bk. iii. diss. 7). This explanation, however, would not suit Michal's teraphim of human size, and in any case the use of trāphim for divination is supported only by late texts.

It is held that the teraphim were images of ancestors (Lippert, Stade, Schwally, Nowack, Budde, Charles, Torge). If this were proved, the fact that the teraphim sometimes appeared as domestic idols (Laban, Michal) and were used in various countries (Laban, Nebuchadnezzar) would be explained. But why should the Danites have transported the images of Micah's ancestors into their public sanctuary, or why should the daughters of Laban have stolen the teraphim of their father, since ancestor-worship could not be taken part in by women? Would Rachel and Michal have treated the images of the ancestors of their family with such scant ceremony? Again, no traces have been found up till now of any statues of ancestors among the Babylonians.

According to another explanation, the teraphim originally represented the familiar spirit of the house, and were analogous with the lares and penates (Cornelius à Lapide, Comm., Antwerp, 1681; E. Reuss, Die Gesch. der heil. Schriften Alten Testaments, Brunswick, 1890, p. 177; J. Frey, Tod, Seelenglaube und Seelenkult im alten Israel, Leipzig, 1898, pp. 102-104; C. Grüneisen, Der Ahnenkultus und die Urreligion Israels, Halle, 1900, p. 175; H. Gunkel, Gen.3, Göttingen, 1910, p. 345; A. Loisy, Rel. d'Isr.2, 202).

In Babylonia each place has its tutelary genius, each individual even has his god' and his goddess. The cult of the genius loci, of the gad (Fortune) of the house, continued among the Jews down to Talmudic times (Bab. Sanh. 20; Ned. 56); clear traces of it are found in the foundation sacrifices of modern Syria (Curtiss, Ursem. Rel., pp. xvi, 208 f., 265-267). This interpretation seems the most plausible, at least if the word teraphim always signifies one and the same thing. It still seems rather curious, however, in spite of the analogy of the krubhim, that these statues of genii loci should almost always have had a place in the sanctuaries of Jahweh (Jg 17-18, Hos 34), and that the Danites should have carried off to Laish the statue of a genius loci of Mount Ephraim.

The explanation of the difficulty of finding any agreement between the different contexts in which teraphim occurs may be that the word, for which no satisfactory etymology has been found, is one of the opprobrious terms used by the Jews of recent times in Biblical texts as a substitute for the abhorred names of idols and false gods (see III. 3). Teraphim may be the plural of toreph, which in the Hebrew of the Mishna means 'foulness,' 'obscenity.' Now, in this case, we have no assurance that this abusive term was everywhere and always substituted for one single expression. In Zec 102 the Peshitta still appears to have read ('spirits of divination' or 'necromancers'),

(cf. Lv 1931 2027, 1 S 289, 2 K 23 etc.); in other contexts there may have been some term signifying idol in general (psilim, Ezk 2126 LXX; aṣabbim) or god ('èlóhîm).

LITERATURE.-In addition to the works quoted, reference

may be made to A. Lods, La Croyance à la vie future et le culte P. Torge, Seelenglaube und Unsterblichkeitshoffnung im AT, des morts dans l'antiquité israélite, Paris, 1906, i. 231-236; Leipzig, 1909, pp. 141-143.

III. REACTION AGAINST IDOL-WORSHIP.-I. Before the 8th cent. B.C.-The worship of images soon became suspect to the upholders of the true religion of Jahweh; Asa is said to have done away with those which his fathers had made, but the second decalogue (Ex 3417), towards the 9th cent., condemns only the worship of molten gods,' i.e. statues whose splendour contrasted too strongly with the simplicity of olden times. The history of the Golden Calf (Ex 32) reflects the same point of

view.

2. The Prophets.-Hosea is the first to lay down the principle of the incompatibility of idol-worship with the true worship of Jahweh (84-6 131.; cf. 31). Isaiah forbids the use of idols of gold and silver (28. 20); and Hezekiah, apparently at his instigation, breaks the brazen serpent in pieces (2 K 18). It was probably about this time that all manufacture or worship of images of the deity was absolutely prohibited (Ex 20). The reforms instituted by Josiah (621 B.C.) include a prohibition against all representations of Jahweh-even unfigured ones (Dt 162., 2 K 236. 14. 24). Dt 4151. (7th-6th cent. B.C.) indicates a motive-the only one formulated in the OT-for this prohibition, namely, the fact that the Israelites on Mount Horeb saw no form or shape.

One of the arguments used by the prophets of the 7th cent. B. C. and later against pagan gods is that they are gods of stone and wood. They describe the manufacture of these idols with complacent irony, and identify them purely and simply with the divinities that they represent (a frequent theme from the 6th cent. B.C. onwards; see II. 5). This line of argument presupposes that it is an accepted Jewish belief that Jahweh has not, and cannot have, any material representation.

3. Judaism.-These divine images still retained their prestige among the common people to a certain degree (2 Mac 1240; cf. perhaps Ps 16 317, Zec 102 [?], Is 3022, if these passages are post-Exilic and refer to Jews). In the ruins of Jewish houses at Elephantine some bas-reliefs and statues have been found, which were probably worshipped by the members of the Jewish colony of that town (0. Rubensohn, ZA xlvi. [1909] 30; E. Meyer, Der Papyrusfund von Elephantine, Leipzig, 1912, p. 65 f.), But probably idol-worship was now only a popular superstition; and, when the author of Enoch (9914 1049) accuses his Jewish adversaries of following idols,' it is apparently to be understood as a polemic exaggeration respecting their tolerance of the pagans and Greek art."

Among the Jews who were most rigorous in keeping the law, the Second Commandment was

material) gives rules about circumambulating an image, forbids stepping on its shadow, and refers to the taking of oaths in its presence (Laws of Manu, iv. 39, 130, viii. 87). In the Mahabharata, with which the Laws are closely connected, idolworship is found fully established (E. W. Hopkins, Rel. of India, London, 1902, p. 370 ff.). Early Buddhism knew nothing of image-worship, which arose with the spread of the Mahāyāna school (A. Cunningham, Mahabodhi, London, 1892, p. 53 f.). In fact, the worship of the image of Buddha, if the attitude of the Buddhist to images of the Master can be considered a form of idolatry, dates from the 1st cent. A.D., about four or five centuries after his death (L. A. Waddell, Buddhism of Tibet, London, 1895, p. 13; H. Kern, Manual of Indian Buddhism, Strassburg, 1896, p. 95; A. Grünwedel, Buddhist Art in India, London, 1901, p. 67; Smith, Hist. 79, 106). The early artists did not dare to portray his bodily form, which had for ever vanished, being content to attest his spiritual presence by silent symbols-the footprints, the empty chair, and so forth. Further, the absence of images of Buddha from early Indian art does not imply that images of the Hindu gods were then unknown; they were certainly in use as early as the 4th cent. B.C. (Smith, 79 n.; IA xxxiii. [1901] 145 ff.). The modern idolatrous system dates from the establishment of neo-Brahmanism on the downfall of Buddhism. Though image worship prevails widely in S. India, it must be comparatively late in its present form, because all the Malayalim terms for images are of Sanskrit origin (W. Logan, Malabar, Madras, 1887, i. 184). 3. The aniconic stage.-It is needless to discuss whether the stage of aniconism historically precedes or leads up to that of pictures and imagesan evolution denied by some modern anthropologists (EBr1 xiv. 329). In India the two stages exist side by side, and it is possible in many cases to watch the rude stock or stone developing into the anthropomorphic image. The so-called 'fetish' -to use a term which has lost most of its significance to students of the present day-appears in many forms, included in the two general types of poles or stocks and stones. We observe, first, the pre-animistic type, in which a rude stock or stone, from its quaint or unusual appearance, is looked on as the manifestation of some unknown, vague power, which impresses the imagination of the observer. In the case of stones, this form of belief is more apparent in the great alluvial plains, where stone is a rare substance, and is naturally regarded with a feeling of awe. Thence we pass to the animistic stage, where the stone, stock, or pole suggests a well-defined form, animal or human, which fits it to be the abode of a spirit. In one type of such beliefs the stone is supposed to be a petrified man or animal, the conversion into stone being due to the wrath of some offended god or saint, or it is a punishment for the breach of some stringent tabu. Many such peculiarly shaped stones are connected by some aetiological legend with the cults of one or other of the orthodox deities. Some stones, stocks, or poles, again, acquire special sanctity, like the boundary-stone, the guardian stone of the village, death and memorial stones, the stone on which the bride is made to stand so that she may acquire strength and stability, the grindstone used as a fertility charm at birth or marriage rites. Similarly, among stocks, posts, and poles, we have the sacrificial post, the wedding post, the tank post, the village guardian post, the death post, the house pillar and posts, the post burned at the vernal fire festival, the Holi, symbolizing the burning of the old year (see artt. STONES [Indian]; POLES AND POSTS [Indian]).

4. The iconic stage of idolatry; anthropomorphism.-The Hindu forms his gods in his own image, and we can trace the development, by various means, of the rude stone or stock into the idol.

In parts of the Central Provinces, squared pieces of wood, goddess with her five brothers, who are credited with the power each with a rude figure carved in front, representing the village of sending disease and death, are set up close to each other beside the highways (S. Hislop, Papers relating to the Abori ginal Tribes of the Central Provinces, Nagpur, 1866, p. 15). In Birnath, the cattle godling of the Ahirs (W. Crooke, TC, 1896, Mirzapur, similar figures, with rude heads and faces, represent i. 63 f.). In honour of spirits, the Näikdas of Gujarat fix teak posts in the ground, roughly hacking them at the top into something like a human face; these posts are smeared with red dye, and rows of small clay horses, the 'equipage' of the spirits, are placed round them (BG ix. pt. i. [1901] p. 327). In the Telugu country, the stake representing Poturazu, brother or husband of the village goddess, develops into a painted image, on which and nine glass bangles belonging to his sister Ellama (H. Whitethe deity sits as a warrior, sword in hand, and carries a lime head, Bull. Madras Museum, v. 124). In the same districts, four village goddesses are represented by stone pillars with the figures of women carved upon them (ib. 143). On the same principle, one of the chief lingas, or representations of Siva, is shaped in front into an image of Brahma holding a small figure of Visnu on his head, thus forming the sacred Triad (BGˇvii. [1883] 551). The development of the 'fetish' into an anthropomorphic image is also shown by the use of masks which are permanently attached to the stone or stock, or used only at special feasts or ceremonies. At Näsik in the Deccan, a linga has a silver mask with five heads, which it wears on special and Balaji, a form of Krsna, always wears a golden mask (ib. days, particularly the full moon of the month Kärttik (Nov.); xvi. [1883] 505, 507). A linga at Pur wears a rude copper mask of a man's face, with staring eyes and a curled moustache (ib. xviii. pt. iii. [1885] p. 427). At Benares, Bhaironnath, warden of the city, occasionally wears a silver mask fixed on the stone which represents him, and the image of Durga is covered with tinselled cloth and has a face of brass, silver, or other metal, according to the whim of her priests, who keep on hand a stock of masks which fit the head of the image (Sherring, 62, 166).

The result of this process of anthropomorphization is that the idol is supposed to possess powers of volition and movement.

be moved by human agency, or moves only by order of certain

There are numerous instances in which the image refuses to

persons. When, in anticipation of a raid by Aurangzib, the ancient image of Kesava Deva was removed from Mathura to Mewär, as they journeyed the wheels of the carriage refused to move, and the image, one of the most venerated statues of Kṛṣṇa, insisted on remaining at the village now known as Nathdwära, 'door of the Lord,' where it stands to the present day (F. S. Growse, Mathuras, Allahabad, 1883, p. 130; J. Tod, Siva was being taken to his capital, Lanka, by the demon Annals of Rajasthan, Calcutta, 1884, i. 553). The image of Ravana, and preferred to remain at Gokarn (q.v.), where it is at present (F. Buchanan, Journey from Mysore, London, 1807, iii. 166). A Räjä in Berär found an image on the river bank, and prayed that the god would accompany him to his capital; the reply was that it would follow him so long as he did not look back; at Sirpur he violated the tabu, and the image refused to move farther (A. Lyall, Berar Gaz., Bombay, 1870, p. 178). The image Balmukand, found lying in the river Jumna, attached itself to the Brahmanical cord of the saint Vallabhacharya, as he was bathing in the river (Bholanauth Chunder, Travels of a Hindoo, London, 1869, ii. 49). The image of Jagannath followed a gardener's daughter as she sang a verse from the Gita-govinda (M. A. Macauliffe, The Sikh Rel., Oxford, 1909, vi. 9). There is a story current in S. India that an image of Krsna, plundered from a Hindu temple, shared the bed of one of the Delhi princesses, and that she finally became absorbed within it (F. Buchanan, ii. 70 f.). The linga at Nagardhan opened to receive a pious woman who was unjustly suspected by her husband of infidelity (R. V. Russell, Nagpur Gaz., 1908, i. 307f.). Some images are known to grow in size, like the stone called the 'cat mother' (Bilai Mätä), which has grown from infancy to youth; daily in size to the amount of a grain of the seed (A. E. Nelson, Tilabhandesvara, 'Lord of the sesamum storehouse,' increases Raipur Gaz., 1909, i. 287; Sherring, 151). An image of Buddha in Burma recently began to develop a moustache (Shway Yoe, The Burman, London, 1882, i. 235). An old legend tells that an image sweated so copiously that the Brahmans were obliged to cool it with their fans, and a similar story is current in Burma (Stobaeus, Physica, i. 56, in J. W. McCrindle, Ancient India as deer. 234 f.). In Baroda, an ancient image is called 'Mother described in Classical Lit., Westminster, 1901, p. 173; Shway of the Scorpions,' because a gummy substance, like a small red scorpion, oozes from its belly (BG vii. [1883] 601).

5. The manufacture and consecration of images. (a) The substances from which images are made. -These are numerous, and in the case of the socalled 'fetishes' the variety is specially great.

In Bombay, Humai, the goddess of the Vārlis, a forest tribe, is represented by a ball made from the brains of a cow, or by a

bunch of peacocks' feathers, or the figure of a hunter with his gun, a warrior on horseback, or a five-headed monster riding on a tiger (BG xviii. pt. i. [1885] p. 188). An image of one of the village goddesses in S. India is made of turmeric kneaded into a paste (H. Whitehead, 143). The Mala goddess, Sunkalamma, in S. India, is in the form of a cone made of boiled rice and green gram; a little hollow is made in the top, and this is filled with butter, onions, and pulse; four lampwicks are put into it, a nose-jewel is stuck on the outside of the lump, two garlands are tied round it, and the whole structure is decorated with religious symbols (Thurston, TC iv. 357). Ashes, either from the sacred fire or from the funeral pyre, are often made into images; among the Gaudos of Madras, an image of the deceased is made on the spot where he was cremated, and to this food is offered (ib. ii. 275; cf. vi. 357). Balls or cones of clay often represent the deity or a sainted ancestor, as among the Aruvas, whose gods are a mass of mud in conical shape, with an areca-nut stuck on the top (ib. i. 60; cf. iii. 461 f.). Eight little heaps of brick plastered over with clay represent the village gods in the Shahabad district of Bengal (NINQ i. [1891] 128). The house hold deity of the Koravas of Madras is a brick picked up at random (Thurston, iii. 469). The Kanphață Jogis represent their ancestors by unhusked coco-nuts, changed yearly on New Year's Day, the old coco-nut being made into oil to feed the lamps of their shrine; the family god of the Mukris is an unhusked coco-nut; the house nat is represented in every Burmese house by a coco-nut hung in a frame of cane (BG xv. [1833] pt. i. pp. 354, 376; Census Rep. Burma, 1911, i. 156). Amba Bhavānī, a caste goddess in Sholapur, is a lamp (BG xx. [1884] 108). Clay pots are commonly used to contain the deity, as among the Malas of Madras, who represent Laksmi, goddess of prosperity, by a pile of six pots; in W. India pots are commonly used as homes for spirits (Thurston, iv. 859; BG xv. pt. i. [1881] p.

248 n.).

For anthropomorphic images the material most used in ancient times, as in the case of the Greek bava, was probably wood (J. G. Frazer, Pausanias, 1898, iv. 245 f.; Farnell, CGS i. [1896] 14 f.). Jagannath, originally a rude block, has, under Buddhist influence, been adapted to represent the Triad-Buddha, Dharma, Sangha (A. Cunningham, Bhilsa Topes, London, 1854, p. 358 ff.; W. W. Hunter, Orissa, i. 92 ff., 129). The wood of the nim, or margosa tree (Melia azadirachta), is used for the most sacred images (JASBo ii. 275). Ancient wooden images have naturally, for the most part, disappeared. But there are records of their existence in Käśmir. 'In Inner Kashmir, about two or three days' journey from the capital, in the direction towards the mountains of Bolor, there is a wooden idol called Sarada, which is much venerated by pilgrims' (alBirūni, India, tr. E. C. Sachau, London, 1910, i. 117). Commenting on this passage, Stein (Kalhana, Rajatarangini, London, 1900, ii. 285) remarks that al-Birùni associates this image with other famous idols, like that of the sun-god at Multan, Chakrasvåmin of Thaneśvar, and the linga of Somnath; I am unable to trace elsewhere any reference to the image of Sarada being a wooden one. There was a famous wooden statue of Maitreya, much venerated by Buddhists, in Daril, not far from Cilas. It is mentioned by Fa-hien and Hiuen Tsiang (see Si-yu-ki, tr. Beal, i. pp. xxix, 134). This image was 80 feet long, and its upturned feet 8 feet, much worshipped by neighbouring kings. Hiuen Tsiang says it was about 100 feet high." Similar images have recently been found in Orissa (Nagendranath Vasu, Arch. Surv. Mayurbhanja, Calcutta, 1911, i. c). For other religious carvings in wood, see V. A. Smith, Hist. of Fine Art in India and Ceylon, p. 364 ff.

Many of the images now in use are made of metal of various kinds. Among the more primitive tribes iron in various shapes is used.

If a Savara dies of wounds caused by a knife or other iron weapon, a piece of iron or an arrow is thrust into a rice-pot to represent the deceased (Thurston, vi. 331). Among the gods of the Gonds are found a spear, sword, or iron bar (R. V. Russell, Census Rep. Cent. Prov., 1901, i. 94). Spears often represent the S. Indian village goddesses, and among the Lamanis of Bombay needles are worshipped in the name of dead ancestors (H. Whitehead, 124; Eth. Surv. Bombay, no. 140 [1909] 10). For house images and for those carried in procession, brass is usually employed, and, cast by the cire perdue process, is found even among primitive tribes like the Kandhs (Thurston, iii. 391). A combination of eight metals-gold, silver, copper, tin, lead, brass, iron, and steel-(astadhatu) is specially sacred; of this substance the face of the image of Bagheśvari at Benares is made (Sherring, 90).

Metal images are made at Benares, Mathura, Ujjain, Ahmadabad, and other places; Gaya, Bardwan, and, in particular, Jaipur, supply stone images (T. N. Mukharji, Art Manufactures of India, Calcutta, 1888, Index, 8.v. 'Idols'). Tavernier states that in his time Armenians used to export idols to India, and his editor asserts that at the present day Bohemia sends idols made of cast glass to India, which undersell the marble images of Agra (Travels, ed. V. Ball, London, 1889, ii. 261). J. G. Scott says that images of Gautama are imported from Birmingham to Burna; but this has been denied (Burma, London, 1906, p. 336).

(b) Carving and style of images.-The style of the sculptor is always dominated by ritual pre

modern idol is monotonous in execution, and possesses little artistic beauty; it is only artists of exceptional ability that have been able to make their powers apparent, and elevate compositions mainly conventional to the rank of works of art (V. A. Smith, 184 f.; Shway Yoe, The Burman, London, 1882, i. 237 f.). The proportionate sizes of the various parts of an image are carefully prescribed by the ancient authority known as the Silpa Sastra (Rajendralala Mitra, i. 134 ff. ). In making idols the Madras stone-carver distinguishes by the ring of the stone, when struck, whether it is male or female, suitable for the image of a god or a goddess (Thurston, vi. 388). The extraordinary multiplication of images and the introduction of monstrous and impossible forms, such as the Chaturānana or Chaturmukha, 'four-faced' Brahma, the Chaturbhuja, or 'four-armed' Visnu, the Dasabhuja or Aṣṭabhuja, ten-armed' or 'eightarmed' Devi-the intention being to enhance the dignity and power of the deity-are, from the artistic point of view, indefensible (V. A. Smith, 6 f., 100, 182). But these are not modern inventions, as the type of four-handed figures appears images in the Kuşan age (ib. 124, 143). Even in in the later Gandhara period, and polycephalic the Buddhist period multiplication of stupas was common (ib. 153). In modern times the multiplication of images, generally of the linga, has assumed a monstrous form (R. V. Russell, Bhandara Gaz., 1908, i. 241; BG xiv. [1882] 175; Sherring, 42 f.). Colossal images are more common among the Jains than among the Hindus.

'Undoubtedly the most remarkable of the Jain statues are the celebrated colossi of Southern India, the largest freestanding statues in Asia, which are three in number, situated respectively at Sravana Belgola in Mysore, and at Karkala, and Yenur (or Venur) in South Kanara. All three, being set on the top of eminences, are visible for miles around, and, in spite of their formalism, command respectful attention by their enormous mass, and expression of dignified serenity. The biggest, that at Sravana Belgola, stands about 56 feet in height, with a width of 13 feet across the hips, and is cut out of a solid block of gneiss, apparently wrought in situ. That at Karkala, of the same material, but some 15 feet less in height, is estimated to weigh 80 tons. The smallest of the giants, that at Yenur, is 35 feet high. The three images are almost identical, but the one at Yenur has the "special peculi arity of the cheeks being dimpled with a deep, grave smile," which is considered to detract from the impressive effect' (V. Å. Smith, 268).

(c) Consecration of images.-The molten or carved image, until the deity can be induced or compelled to enter it, is useless and unfit for worship among those castes and tribes which have risen beyond the level of mere 'fetishism.'

The

the image, when brought from the workshop, should be washed The rite of consecration, in parts of S. India, provides that with the five products of the cow, and kept in a copper pot for twenty-four hours. It is then taken out, and the sacred fire is lighted; while this is burning the priest recites verses. image is kept buried under a heap of rice for about half an hour, and it is then covered with a silk cloth. The priest touches the image in all its limbs, and finally breathes into its mouth. The sacred fire is re-lighted, and the image is then fit for worship (BG xv. pt. i. [1883] p. 147 n.). In Bengal, at the festival of Durga, the officiating Brahman consecrates the image of the goddess, and, placing it in its appointed place in the temple, recites the proper formula. After this comes the giving of eyes and life to the image. With the two forefingers of his right hand he touches the breast, cheek, eyes, and forehead of the image, saying: 'Let the soul of Durga long continue in happiness in this image!' After this he takes a leaf of the vilva tree (Egle marmelos), rubs it with butter, and holds it over a lamp until it is covered with soot, of which he takes a little on the stalk of another vilva leaf and fills the In other pupils of the eyes with the soot (Ward, ii. 85). places, when an image is not prepared, the goddess Devi is caused to enter an earthen pot by a priest, who is obliged to undergo fasting and submit to other tabus of food during the nine days' ceremony (NINQ iv. [1894] 20f.). Following a still cruder form of ritual, among the Tibetan Buddhists, 'internal organs of dough or clay are sometimes inserted into the bodies of the larger images, but the head is usually left empty; and into the more valued ones are put precious stones

and filings of the noble metals, and a few grains of consecrated rice, a scroll bearing "the Buddhist Creed," and occasionally other texts, booklets, and relics. These objects are sometimes