minutely into the discussion of negociations which might be pending. He was aware that the doing so was prejudicial to the public interests, and therefore he had never been fond of either pursuing or countenancing it.

With respect to the agreement of the two courts of Great Britain and France mutually to disarm, a great deal of conversation had taken place without doors on the true meaning of the declaration and counter-declaration. In that respect, he conceived all that was intended by his majesty's ministers and the ministers of the court of France was, that each power should reduce their establishments to what they were at the beginning of the year, but be at full liberty to increase them in case new circumstances arose; for if, as some people had sup posed, it was understood between the two courts that they were bound down to remain in their reduced establishment state, let what would happen, Great Britain had made a most preposterous agreement, and which, as it was impossible to be adhered to by France or Great Britain, could never have been intended by either. Mr. Fox illustrated this position by stating, that if such were the nature and meaning of the agreement, this country, in case of an attack from any other quarter than France, would not have it in her power to increase her armament without the consent of France; and reminded the House, that in all our late wars the different branches of the house of Bourbon considered the subject of each as a family quarrel, in which they were all materially concerned. If, therefore, Spain attacked us, we must remain in an ineffectual state of armament. A very material question to be answered before the meaning of the declaration, or rather the exact compliance with its terms, Mr. Fox said, could be ascertained, was, what was the real state of the naval establishments of the two countries at the beginning of the year, and what was understood by each to be a satisfactory reduction?

Another observation arose in his mind upon reading the speech, and that was, that the condition entered into by the two courts, in respect to disarming, went only to the naval establishment, whereas, in the preceding part of the speech, his majesty stated, that on receiving the notification from France of her intention to assist the usurpers of the lawful government, he gave immediate orders for augmenting his forces both by sea and land. Why was not the military force to be reduced as well as the naval? The speech gave no intimation of it, neither had the declaration or counter-declaration conveyed any such intention: and this naturally led him to another part of the speech, connected with the same topic, and that was, the recommendation to the particular attention of that House, to consider of the proper means for

maintaining his majesty's distant possessions in an adequate posture of defence. He had the honour, Mr. Fox said, to have been in administration when the peace establishment was settled; if, therefore, an inadequate establishment had been then proposed, the criminality, or rather the blame of the measure, if blame were due, was imputable to him and to those with whom he acted; but not more to him or them than to the present ministry, since the same establishment had been adhered to by the succeeding administration, and continued by that House. Probably, however, his majesty's ministers had come to the knowledge of circumstances which had convinced them, that the establishment after the peace was insufficient, and if so, they would doubtless lay before the House their reasons for being of that opinion, and then it would be for the House to decide upon their validity and force.

Mr. Fox, after making these cursory remarks, returned to his original position, and in glowing terms expressed his satisfaction at the system of measures lately adopted. He said, that whether government had adopted those measures with respect to the United Provinces sufficiently soon, or whether they ought to have adopted them earlier, were matters of opinion; but he was extremely glad to find that they had at length embraced them, and he hoped when we should have connected ourselves with the United Provinces by a solid and substantial treaty, to which he could not but with reasonable expectation look forward, since the interest of each power was one and the same; that the government would pursue the idea of taking the most effectual steps to preserve the balance of power, and carry it into execution with regard to other European states and countries. He said, he did not approve of the conduct of those statesmen, who, in order to exert their political influence in foreign courts, resorted to indirect and concealed practices, by fomenting factions and cabals. But unworthy as those means were, and illaudable in themselves as they must be acknowledged to be, so long as it was notorious that they were constantly resorted to by other powers, and most especially by the court of France, it became the duty of British ministers to endeavour to counteract her purposes in the same secret way in which she endeavoured to effect them, and therefore he wished the word "forcible" had not been used in the speech by way of qualifying the mention of the interference of France. So far from the "forcible interference" of that court in the affairs of the republic of the United Provinces, being the sole interference that it behoved this country to counteract, every sort of interference, open or concealed, ought to be counteracted by us; and con

sequently, had the word interference stood alone, and the meaning been generally expressed, in his mind the sentence would have been more proper and applicable.

His noble colleague (Lord Hood) had seemed to think that war was not so distant as might be imagined. He could not, Mr. Fox said, see any reason for despondency. So far from it, the recent events had shewn that France was, in point of finance, in so imbecile a state, as well as in other particulars, that it was not in her power to break with us, and if, with all her natural and various means of recruiting herself on an emergency, and of suddenly obtaining resources, she would not engage in a war, when such an important prize as the possession of Holland was at stake, he was pretty well persuaded that she would not quarrel with this country for some time at least, or on a slight punctilio. But the best means to insure the continuance of peace, was to add to our strength rather than trust to the weakness of our oldest and most inveterate rival. Let us enlarge the number of our alliances, insure the co-operation of other powers in the hour of attack, improve our marine, cherish and preserve it and all that belonged to that favourite service, and we might then consider the ambition of the house of Bourbon, its imbecility, or its power, as matters of equally trifling consideration. Mr. Fox here took occasion to compliment those who had the direction of naval affairs in their choice of an officer to command the grand fleet, the most important division of our maritime force. He reminded the House, that the ministry of which he had the honour to be one, had nominated the same officer to the command of the West India squadron in 1782, and that a good deal of slur had been cast on the nomination by those who at that time thought fit to question the propriety of the appointment, and to declare that officer unfit to hold the command. The recent appointment of the same officer to a still higher command, proved that the opinion he had ever entertained of the merits of Admiral Pigot was not peculiar to himself, that the slur formerly cast on his administration, for having appointed the admiral to the command of the West India squadron was unmerited, and that the persons at present at the head of the admiralty thought as highly of that officer's character and professional talents, as he, and those connected with him, had done. Mr. Fox repeated his declaration, that the substance of the address had his hearty approbation and concurrence; and having applauded it for leaving all the other considerations to which he had alluded, as matters of reference to be discussed on a future day, and by that means avoided pledging the House to points that it was impossible for them to decide upon without farther infor

mation, said he would give his vote for it with the most heartfelt sincerity, and he hoped it would meet with the unanimous approbation of the House.

The address was agreed to nem. con.

SUBSIDIARY TREATY WITH the Landgrave of
HESSE CASsel.

THIS

December 5.

HIS day Mr. Pitt having moved, "That 36,0937. 158. be granted to his majesty for defraying the charge of subsidy which will be due to the Landgrave of Hesse Cassel for the year 1788, pursuant to treaty,"

Mr. Fox observed, that he had expected that the House would have received some explanation of the nature of the treaty, by which they were called upon to vote the sum stated in the motion. He had on a preceding occasion, generally adverted to the treaty that was now the subject of consideration, and had asked whether it was to be considered as a mere temporary expence, like the rest of the charge of the late armament and preparations, or to be regarded in a more permanent light, as an expence to be continued with a view to the future situation of this country with respect to Holland and other continental powers. As there was a great deal of difference in these two views of it, and different considerations would necessarily arise from each, he conceived it highly proper that the House, previous to their voting of the money, should receive some explanation respecting it, in order that they might know the full extent of their vote.Another matter that appeared to him to call for observation was, that in the treaty it was stipulated, that if Hessian troops were required to serve in Great Britain and Ireland, they should be put upon the same footing as British national troops. Now, as he did not suppose that it was meant that foreign troops should be brought at any time into this kingdom or Ireland, without the previous knowledge or consent of parliament, he saw no necessity for the stipulation; because if ever a necessity should arise for the aid of foreign troops in England or Ireland, and the necessity should be sufficiently urgent to palliate the employment of foreign troops, and reconcile the people to the measure, an adequate number, be

conceived, might be obtained upon the condition of being treated as British soldiers, without any treaty having been in existence. With regard to the exception also of the Hessian troops from being liable to be called into service any where but in Great Britain and Ireland, unless in Germany and the Low countries, he thought it an unfortunate exception; because under the construction of the treaty, he conceived that Hessian troops could not be applicable to service in the West Indies, or in Gibraltar. If the exception had been the other way, he should have thought it better; because, in all probability, Hessian troops would never be required to serve in Great Britain and Ireland; but might be of use in Gibraltar, in America, and in the West Indies. It was not very likely that a future war would commence in the manner that the late war had done; but it was not impossible, and it was to be remembered, that Hessian troops were then employed at Gibraltar and in America. A great deal depended in forming a judgment of the treaty under consideration, upon a knowledge of the negociations then pending with other foreign powers. He had, on the first day of the session, observed, that he meant not to press for an improper communication, nor was it his wish, at that moment, although without such a knowledge it was impossible to decide upon the merits of the treaty in question; but he hoped, that voting for the sum then moved for, would by no means pledge the House, or preclude him or any other gentleman, from examining into, or objecting to, any future measure that might be proposed to parliament, as a consequence of the treaty.

The motion was agreed to nem. con.

AUGMENTATION OF THE LAND FORCES.

December 1c.

THIS day an augmentation of the land forces was proposed by the secretary at war, for the purpose recommended in the king's speech at the opening of the session, namely, that of maintaining our distant possessions in an adequate posture of defence. The proposed augmentation was to be effected by re-establishing the third and fourth battalions of the sixtieth regiment, and in creasing the number of men in the regiments on the West India service; the augmentation amounting in the whole to 3,064 men. At the same time the secretary at war informed the House, that