the base and false rumours, which were spread abroad concerning him.

Mr. Fox observed, that not having heard that a subject of so much delicacy and importance was likely to be at all alluded to on Friday last, he had not come down to the House on that day. On a former occasion, when the worthy alderman had given notice of his intention to proceed by moving an address, he had heard the right honourable the chancellor of the exchequer throw out certain hints, which appeared to his mind extremely like a menace, and that of a very extraordinary nature; but those hints had, he understood, on Friday last, been much narrowed by explanation, and confined to certain correspondence and letters which had passed upon the subject without doors. On Friday he had learned that an hohourable friend of his had answered what had been said by an honourable gentleman over the way, and had declared, that he did not speak lightly, or without authority, when he asserted, that his royal highness did not wish to shrink from any inquiry which it might be thought necessary to institute. In like manner, Mr. Fox said, he desired to be understood as not speaking lightly, but as speaking from the immediate authority of his royal highness the Prince of Wales, when he assured the House, that there was no part of his royal highness's conduct that he was either afraid or unwilling to have investigated in the most minute manner. With regard to the private correspondence alluded to, he wished to have it laid before the House, because it would prove that the conduct of his royal highness had been in the highest degree amiable; and would present an uniform and a perfect picture of duty and obedience; as much so as ever, in any instance, had been shewn from a son to his father, or from a subject to his sovereign.

With regard to the debt, which was the cause of his embarrassment, his royal highness, if the House should deem it necessary, was willing to give an account in writing of every part of it, not of every single sum, or even of every thousand pound, for such an account the good sense of the House would see to be improper, if not impossible, but a general and fair account, and if any part of it was doubted, from a suspicion that this or that article of the account comprehended any sum or sums of money indirectly applied, his royal highness would give a clear explanation of the particulars, not to the House at large indeed, but to his majesty, or to his majesty's ministers. He had not the smallest objection to afford the House every possible satisfaction, and there was not a circumstance of his royal highness's life which he was ashamed to have known.

With respect to the allusion to something full of "danger to the church and state," made by the honourable gentleman, one of the members for the county of Devon, till that gentleman thought proper to explain himself, it was impossible to say with any certainty to what that allusion referred, but he supposed it must be meant in reference to that miserable ca lumny, that low malicious falsehood, which had been propagated without doors, and made the wanton sport of the vulgar. In that House, where it was known how frequent and common the falschoods of the times were, he hoped a tale only fit to impose on the lowest order of persons in the streets, would not have gained the smallest portion of credit; but when it appeared that an invention so monstrous, a report of a fact which had not the smallest degree of foundation, a report of a fact actually impossible to have happened, had been circulated with so much industry as to have made an impression on the minds of the members of that House, it proved at once the uncommon pains taken by the enemies of his royal highness to propagate the grossest and most malignant falsehoods, with a view to depreciate his character and injure him in the opinion of his country. Mr. Fox added, that when he considered that his royal highness was the first subject in the kingdom, and the immediate heir to the throne, he was at a loss to imagine what species of party it was that could have fabricated so base and scandalous a calumny. Had there existed in the kingdom such a faction as an AntiBrunswick faction, to that faction he should have certainly imputed the invention of so malicious a falsehood; for he knew not what other description of men could feel an interest in first forming and then circulating, with more than ordinary assiduity, a tale in every particular so unfounded, and for which there was not the shadow of any thing like reality. This being the fact, and as the occasion had made it necessary for him to declare as much, he hoped that it would have this good effect upon the House and upon the country, that it would teach both the one and the other to distrust the reports circulated to the prejudice of the prince, and lessen any opinions that they might, in consequence, take up injurious to the character of his royal highness, who might be said to be a person, in whose fair fame that House and the country were deeply interested. The whole of the debt the prince was ready to submit to the investigation of the House; and he was equally ready to submit the other circumstance to which he had alluded, to their consideration, provided the consideration of a house of parliament could, consistently with propriety and decency, be applied to such a subject. Nay, his

royal highness had authorized him to declare, that, as a peer of parliament, he was ready in the other House to submit to any the most pointed questions which could be put to him. respecting it, or to afford his majesty, or his majesty's ministers, the fullest assurances of the utter falsehood of the fact in question, which never had, and which common sense must see, never could have happened.

Mr. Fox said, he had thought it incumbent on him to say thus much in justification of his royal highness. He had only to add, that his royal highness certainly wished to have his situation taken into consideration; and that when it came under discussion he had no desire to be regarded as wishing to shrink from any inquiry of any sort whatever. With regard to the alarming consequences talked of as likely to be the effect of such a discussion taking place, he saw no reason to dread any such consequences. Painful and delicate the subject undoubtedly was; but he must all along consider, that however painful it might prove, and however disagreeable the consequences might be, they were ascribeable solely to those who had it in their power to supersede the necessity of his royal highness's application to parliament to relieve him from a situation embarrassing to himself and disgraceful to the country. In conclusion, Mr. Fox declared, that he thought the cause of the prince the cause of every man who knew the true use of monarchy, and looked upon the family of the sovereign as the property of the people, and as those in whom their dearest and most essential interests were so involved, as to make the happiness of the one the security of the other.

Mr. Rolle replied, that he was not singular in his fears for the church; other gentleman had been equally alarmed, and he should be happy to find that their apprehensions were groundless. The right honourable member had said, that the fact alluded to was impossible to have happened. They all knew, indeed, that there were certain laws and acts of parliament which forbade it, and made it null and void; but still it might have taken place, though not under the formal sanction of law; and upon that point he wished to be satisfied. Mr. Fox observed, that though what he had said before was, he thought, sufficient to satisfy every candid and liberal mind, he was willing, if possible, to satisfy the most perverse. When he denied the calumny in question, he meant to deny it not merely with regard to the effect of certain existing laws, but to deny it in toto, in point of fact as well as law. The fact not only never could have happened legally, but never did happen in any way whatsoever, and had from the beginning been a base and malicious falsehood. Mr. Rose rose again, and desired to know, whether what Mr. Fox had last said, was to be understood as spoken from direct authority, Mr. Fox replied, that he had direct authority. It appears to have been expected, that upon this declaration Mr.

Rolle would have expressed his full satisfaction; and being called upon by a member so to do, he said that nothing should induce him to act otherwise than to his own judgment should seem proper. An answer had certainly been given to his question, and the House would judge for themselves of that answer. This conduct occasioned some warm reflections from Mr. Sheridan and Mr. Grey, who said, that the honourable member, after having put a pointed question for the solution of doubts existing in his own mind, and having received an immediate answer, was bound in honour and fairness either to declare that he was satisfied, or to take some means of putting the matter into such a state of inquiry as should satisfy him. To remain silent, or to declare that the House might judge for itself, was neither manly nor candid: it tended to aggravate, in a high degree, the malicious falsehood that had been propagated, by admitting a supposition, that the prince might authorize a false denial of the fact. Mr. Pitt defended Mr. Rolle with great warmth, and declared, that what had been said by the members who preceded him was the most direct attack upon the freedom of debate and liberty of speech in that House, that he had ever heard since he sat in parliament. Mr. Rolle stated shortly the part he had taken, declared that he had been induced so to do by his affection for the prince; that he had not said he was dissatisfied; and that he left the whole to the judgment of the House.

The favourable impression which this debate, the open and manly conduct of the prince, and the harshness with which he had been treated in his most private and personal concerns, left upon the minds of men both within and without the doors of parliament, appears to have given the minister a serious apprehension, that upon the question itself he might be left in a minority; for the next day overtures were made to his royal highness to bring the business to a private accommodation. On Thursday the 3d of May, Mr. Pitt had an audience at Carlton-house, and the same night the prince was informed by his majesty's commands, in general terms, that if the motion intended to be made the next day in the House of Commons should be withdrawn, every thing might be settled to his royal highness's satisfaction. Accordingly on the 4th, Mr. Newnham being in his place in the House, in which upwards of 400 members were assembled, rose and said, he felt the highest satisfaction in being able to inform the House that his intended motion was no longer necessary. Several members joined in expressing in the warmest terms the great satisfaction this information gave them.

On the 21st of May, a message from the king was delivered to parliament, stating, that his majesty with great concern acquainted them, that the prince had incurred a very large debt, which, if left to be discharged out of his annual income, would render it impossible for him to support an establishment that would be suited to his rank and station. His majesty was induced to the present application by his paternal affection to the Prince of Wales; he could not, however, desire the assistance of parliament, but on a well-grounded conviction that the prince would avoid contracting any debts in future. With a view to this object, the king had

directed a sum of 10,000l. to be paid out of the civil list, in addition to his former allowance; he had the satisfaction to observe, that the prince had given the fullest assurance of his determination to confine his future expences within his income, and had settled a plan, and fixed an order in his œconomy, which, it was trusted, would effectually secure the due execution of his intentions. He farther recommended to the commons to direct, that the works of Carlton-house should be properly finished. In answer to this message, 161,000l. were voted for the payment of the prince's debts, and 20,000l. for the completion of Carlton-house.

ADDRESS ON THE KING'S SPEECH AT THE OPENING OF THE SESSION.

THIS

November 27.

HIS day the King opened the session with the following speech to both Houses:

"My lords, and gentlemen; At the close of the last session, I informed you of the concern with which I observed the disputes unhappily subsisting in the republic of the United Provinces.. Their situation soon afterwards became more critical and alarming, and the danger which threatened their constitution and independence, seemed likely, in its consequence, to affect the security and interests of my dominions. No endeavours were wanting on my part to contribute by my good offices to the restoration of tranquillity, and the maintenance of the lawful government; and I also thought it necessary to explain my intention of counteracting all forcible interference on the part of France in the internal affairs of the republic. Under these circumstances, the King of Prussia having taken measures to enforce his demand of satisfaction for the insult offered to the Princess of Orange, the party which had usurped the government of Holland applied to the Most Christian King for assistance, who notified to me his intention of granting their request. In conformity to the principles which I had before explained, I did not hesitate, on receiving this notification, to declare, that I could not remain a quiet spectator of the armed interference of France, and I gave immediate orders for augmenting my forces both by sea and land. In the course of these transactions, I also thought proper to conclude a treaty with the Landgrave of Hesse Cassel, by which I secured the assistance of a considerable body of troops, in case my service should require it. In the mean time, the rapid success of the Prussian troops under the conduct of the Duke of Brunswick, while it was the means of obtaining the reparation demanded by the King of Prussia, enabled the provinces to deliver themselves from the oppres sion under which they laboured, and to re-establish their lawful