not reject the bill alluded to, relating to the public funds. But as it was the last night of his term of service, he retained it without action; and he afterwards gave his reasons for so doing in the Globe. He said the bill was 'complex' and uncertain,' liable to diversity of interpretation,' and that he had not time to give the subject deliberate consideration'-not one hard word here.

"As to amphibology, it is not to be found in the document, nor do I believe the General ever heard of the term; and I think if it had met his eye, he would have been as much puzzled as I was to discover its meaning. It sent me to the dictionary-no, to the Lexicographical Thesaurus-and there I found an old acquaintance bedizzened in such finery that my power of recognition had been completely put to fault; and, after all, I ascertained that amphibological means doubtful. There is no doubt of that. Learning, sir, is a great element of power and fame; and so potent is it in its operation, that a very little of it, discreetly managed, goes a great way."

CHAPTER XLIV.

General Cass' Aversion to everything British-The Second War-The Clayton-Bulwer Treaty - The Homestead Bill-The Employment of Indians-The Anglo-French Declaration-Slavery Again— Legislative Instruction - The Senator's Reply-Know-Nothingism-Age of General Cass-His Habits-Residence Death of Mrs. Cass― General Cass' Private Affairs-His Property-His Views of the Past and Future-The Termination.

General Cass has always evinced an aversion to everything that savored of British. This trait in his disposition is not surprising, when we recall to mind that almost the first words he was taught in infancy to utter, were, "no taxation without representation." Hostility to tyranny was born in him. He would not if he could, and he could not if he would, eradicate it. As he grew to manhood and extended the field of his reading, he ever and anon met with transatlantic periodicals and publications teeming with strictures upon republicanism. In too many instances he knew that these animadversions were unjust. They strengthened his native prejudices against the government of England, its laws, and its institutions. He admired the genius of many of her statesmen, poets and scholars, for neither earth nor sky can fetter this. But as he investigated, the more convinced he became of the colossal ambition of the Crown. The farthest islet in the most distant seas escaped not the argus-eyed cabinet of London. Its secret agents, its confidential ambassadors, traversed the globe.

In the second war of the United States with Great Britain, General Cass felt the hand of British supremacy among the wilds of his own country. He experienced it in a tenfold greater degree at the court of St. Cloud. He saw it paralyzing American diplomacy in the treaty of Washington. He could not mistake it. Along the eastern coast of South America, British domination was quietly but surely penetrating the Western Continent. President Monroe put his foot down against foreign intermeddling. Several of his successors had renewed the protestation. Isolated members of Congress, and the people, had echoed and re-echoed

this sentiment. And yet Congress had never given its authoritative assertion in the shape of a resolution or by bill-the only way to make its way effectual.

In July, 1850, the British government, through its minister, Mr. Bulwer, and the United States, by its Secretary of State, Mr. Clayton, made a treaty, known as the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, by which the high contracting parties precluded themselves mutually from occupying, or fortifying, or colonizing, or assuming, or exercising jurisdiction over Nicaragua, Costa Rica, the Mosquito Coast, or any part of Central America. General Cass, in common with other statesmen, was astonished that the American Secretary should have suffered himself to be thus over-reached by the arts of British diplomacy. True, England had stipulated on paper that she would not take possession of Central America, but not until the United States had also solemnly plighted the faith of the government to an observance of the same on their part. In other words, if the republic of the United States would circumscribe the boundaries of republicanism, in all this western world, and give the British lion a carte blanche to pounce upon the proud bird of Jove, as it winged its way towards the southern skies, then, in such case, the British government would most graciously condescend to withdraw its protectorate over the continent.

But this was not the worst feature of the matter. Three years had not elapsed after the conclusion of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty, before the wily cabinet of London, in fact, infringed upon the spirit if not the letter of its provisions. The establishment of a new British colony in Central America, known as the "Colony of the Bay Islands," was publicly proclaimed. This intelligence was startling to senators who had voted for the ratification of the treaty upon the assumption that it was a point gained, if this shred of diplomacy only weakened the foothold of British power among the half-civilized countries to the south of Mexico. Hence, the Senate at once adopted a resolution calling upon the executive for information upon this subject, and, at the same time, asking what measures had been taken to prevent the violation of the treaty of July 5th, 1850. The Department of State replied that the executive had no information to communicate in relation. to the subject of the resolution, but accompanying this reply were various documents, which had not been before made public, being the correspondence between the distinguished negotiators of that

treaty, disclosing a state of facts unlooked for by the Senate. From this correspondence, it appeared that when the treaty was ratified by the Senate, that ratification was given to the instrument itself, without any limitation or explanation to control the descriptive terms employed in it. But when it was sent to England for the sanction of the British government, that sanction was made conditional-restrictive-by a declaration, not denying that British Honduras made part of Central America, but announcing that the British government did not understand the engagements of that convention to apply to that settlement and its dependencies. Indeed, the instrument of exchange distinctly stated that "Her Majesty's ratification of the said convention is exchanged, under the explicit declaration above mentioned." Yet the treaty was proclaimed by the American government as binding, without any declaration annexed to it, making known the restrictive construction given to it by one of the parties, and acceded to, in whole or in part, by the executive officer of the other.

This subject was before the Senate, for consideration, on the eleventh of January, 1854. General Cass took part in the discussion. The vote of the Democratic party in the Senate upon the ratification of this treaty, was divided-some opposing, and some supporting it. During the deliberations upon the treaty, a number of the Democratic members confidently predicted that the arrangement would prove abortive, and that our government would fail in the effort to remove British power and influence from Central America. Says General Cass:

"My friend from Indiana, who sits beside me, [Mr. Bright,] was among the most decided in his hostility to the treaty; and, as I said upon a former occasion, whether his prediction was the result of instinct or of judgment, I know not, but certainly time has put the seal of truth upon his sinister forebodings; and he may now say to us, in the words of that comfortable old saw, I told you 80.

"I zealously advocated the treaty. I had more than one conversation with the senator from Delaware respecting it, during the progress of the negotiation. Ile did me the honor to consult me, as well as other senators, of both parties; and I earnestly recommended him to go on and consummate the work, expressing my doubts, however, of the accomplishment of his expectations, but assuring him that if he succeeded, he would render a signal

service to his country. And why did I estimate so highly the projected arrangement? Because it contemplated the removal of British power and influence from Central America-true Central America, as I thought and I considered that measure, both in its present and future aspects, a great political object, most desirable to be peacefully obtained. Those of us who profess allegiance to the Monroe doctrine, and who advocated the ratification of this treaty, were accused of inconsistency there; and the accusation has been repeated since with a good deal of earnestness, and not a little sarcasm; and also of sacrificing a great political principle to a mere temporary expedient.

"Mr. President, so far as this question of ratification is involved, with the lights before us, I had no doubts then, and I have no regrets now, respecting the course which the Senate sanctioned. It is not a little curious, that some of those who urged this objection with the most pertinacity, although they also profess adhesion to this cardinal principle of American policy, yet never find a resolution for its authoritative assertion by Congress the only effectual means of its establishment, in such a shape, as to secure its co-operation. Nor do they lend their aid to put it in a form to suit their own views, and thus to command their votes. They confine their action to severe criticism and to decided opposition. Now, sir, I have no desire to sacrifice a great national advantage to a mere barren dogma, rendered such by our dissensions. Embody this principle of European non-intervention in American affairs, in a solemn congressional act, and I, for one, will adhere to and support it, come what may. But while we dispute and hesitate, events move on; and, for the want of proper decision, we are obliged to accommodate ourselves, the best way we can, to their course and consequences. I desire the exclusion of European power and influence from all portions of the western continent not actually held as colonies by some European government; and I believe the true principles of public law, applied to the position of the American States, fully justify this pretension. As to existing colonies, they will follow peaceably, and in good time. Well, sir, the friends of this great measure have in vain, for many years, sought its accomplishment. It will come, it is destined to come, as surely as any event in the future. The country, even now, is prepared for it, desires it, demands it; but the hesitation is here, in these halls of legislation, where there ought to be prompt