would leave inoperative a great constitutional obligation, and a gross violation of political faith, which would destroy all confidence for the future, and that they would seek their remedy by assuming an independent station among the nations of the earth; and believing this, I, for one, shall oppose its repeal.

"I am among those who acknowledge the stability of the constitutional obligation to surrender fugitives from justice, and fugitives from labor. I am among those who believe that the Constitution is a law high enough for American citizens, in the regulation of their civil rights and duties, subject to the exposition of the proper tribunals. And I am satisfied that the act of 1793, on the subject of fugitive slaves, as I have already taken occasion to say in the Senate, had become inefficient, and almost useless, and principally from the adverse action of the State legislatures. And nothing could more strikingly demonstrate the truth of this proposition, than the fact stated by Mr. Webster, and confirmed by Mr. Quincy, that in the State of Massachusetts, where the opposition to the present law has been most general and violent, no fugitive slave has ever been surrendered since the adoption of the Constitution. It is difficult to deal with such a state of things, and at the same time preserve our respect for those who seek to make political capital out of this agitation, so utterly unsuited to the occasion. And what renders this course the more extraordinary, is the fact that it has never been shown, so far as I know, that one single person, not a slave, has ever been surrendered anywhere under the Constitution. And yet, to read the violent speeches and essays upon this subject, one might suppose that the sending of free persons into bondage was an every-day occurrence, which called for universal indignation. The recent disclosures which have been made since the new law went into effect, and which show a fugitive slave population in the non-slaveholding States, far beyond what any one had anticipated, is the best commentary upon the inefficiency of the former statutory provisions, and the best justification for the complaints of the south. What, then, my fellow-citizens, do we want? We want the restoration of harmony and tranquillity to every portion, however scattered, of this great republic, stretching from the shores that look upon Europe to those which look upon the islands and continent of Asia. All want the peaceful enjoyment of our priceless institutions, and especially so do we who are approaching our three score years and ten, who

have passed our lives happily under this government, and who desire to cast off the fearful apprehension that, long as we have lived, we may yet outlive the Constitution of our country. American citizens from the cradle, in God's good time, we hope to descend as American citizens to the grave, with the conviction that after the religion of His Son, we leave to our children the richest heritage that ever descended to a people. We want no more discord, excitement, agitation, but that the legislation, the business, the intercourse of the country, should go on as in our former days of true union, with all the prosperity which belongs. to such a state of things. No more crusades against the south, no more public assemblies to denounce and vilify its people and its institutions, no more traveling missionaries to excite us against one another, and especially no more foreign traveling missionaries who have at home objects of misery quite enough to engage all their philanthropy, and exhaust all their charity, without coming here to instruct us how to deal with a great question of constitutional duty.

"We want the ministers of religion to preach the gospel of the meek and lowly Jesus, and not to convert their pulpits into political tribunes, to inculcate the doctrine utterly inconsistent with the existence of social order, that every man has the right to resist the laws of his country, when they differ from a standard he chooses to establish for himself, and of whose extent and obligations he must be the judge. This is not the example which was left us by our Divine Master and his apostles. And who can point to a single advantage which has resulted from all this violence, much, indeed, of it, virulence? Has the prospect of emancipation in a single State been advanced by it? No, no. By a natural spirit of re-action-a spirit which prompts all of us to resist foreign interference, the institution of slavery is more firmly established in all the slaveholding States than it was thirty years ago. In the operations of an excited zeal, the fearful consequences involved in the question of emancipating three and a half millions of human beings, of a different race, habits, color,-in everything, indeed, that constitutes human identity, living in the midst of another and superior caste, are utterly disregarded, and men rashly deal with such a subject as they would deal with a question of common domestic economy. Well it is for the south that this whole matter belongs to themselves. There it can only be left,

and there the Constitution has left it. If there are any of us in the non-slaveholding States so afflicted with a superabundant philanthropy that we can not be easy without philanthropic action, if we will but stand in our own doors, we can look around and see objects enough for our charitable exertion, without expanding and expending this sympathetic feeling where the cost to us is as little as the advantage to others. It is a cheap way to be charitable, looking at its results upon the peace of the country. We have just been told, in a public meeting at Worcester, by a modest English missionary, who has come over here to enlighten our ignorance, and stimulate our virtuous indignation, that the 'idea of abolition had taken root, and could no more be put down than the waves of the broad Atlantic could be rolled back, &c.' And this is precisely what the south fears, and what a large portion of the south believes, and what increases the fearful difficulty of their position, and of ours. They see in all these movements an eternal attack upon the institutions of independent States, and they foresee the time when the barriers of the Constitution will be broken down, and this object pursued till accomplished or defeated by some terrible crisis. The south is committing no aggression upon the north. They do not claim the right to interfere in our domestic relations, and to mould them to their own pleasure instead of ours. I firmly believe that a great majority of the southern people would be fully satisfied with the compromise measures of the last session of Congress, if these are faithfully adhered to, and this perpetual warfare upon them and their institutions terminated. They acknowledge the institutions of the Constitution, and are willing to abide by them. Are we willing to meet them in this patriotic duty? I trust we are, fellowcitizens; I feel sure we are. But we have passed the season of empty professions, and need action, vigorous, united, constitutional action. We have approached the brink of destruction, and if we do not speedily retrace our steps we shall be precipitated into the abyss. These times and this question are above party. It is not a difference of opinion respecting modes of administration which divides us, but it involves the very existence of the confederation. Wherever, or whenever, or however this question comes up, let us forget that we are party politicians, and remember only that we are Americans. Let us follow the example of the venerable Kentucky statesman, doing battle for his country towards the

close of a long and illustrious life, with all the intellect and energy of his youth, and forgetting his party associations in the higher party of the Constitution. Let us discountenance all further agitation of this whole subject. Let us rest upon the compromise, firmly and honestly. Let us satisfy the people of the south, that the Constitution is a law which is high enough for patriotic Americans, and that for us and our households, we will hold by our obligations. If we do this, all will be well. If we do not, we shall add another to the long list of nations, unworthy of the blessings acquired for them by preceding generations, and incapable of maintaining them, but none as signally as we."

This speech was received with the highest marks of approbation by a thronged and intelligent auditory; and the words of admonition which he thus feelingly uttered should be borne in mind by every peace-loving and law-abiding man, no matter what may be, or what may have been, his political faith.

On the third of March, 1851, his senatorial term again expired. The people of Michigan, in anticipation of this event, elected members to their legislature, in the fall of 1850, who were favorable to his re-election. They were proud of their representative in the Senate of the United States. Their sentiments, on all the prominent measures that occupied the public mind, had been truly represented, and they wished General Cass to continue in his lofty position. He, in truth, was quite indifferent about it. If he consulted his own personal inclination, he much preferred the quietude of retirement. He was urged, however, by distinguished politicians, at home and abroad, to prolong his senatorial career. Yielding to their solicitations, he consented to do so; and the result was, that the legislature of Michigan, on the first day of its session in the winter of 1851, re-elected him senator for the term of six years from the fourth of March following. This high trust of his fellow-citizens, again thus renewed, he cheerfully accepted, and is now discharging its duties with his accustomed ability, and to the satisfaction of intelligent constituents.

During the time General Cass has been in the Senate, he has often been invited to deliver addresses before literary societies, agricultural associations, and other public bodies, in different parts of the country; and frequently he has gratified the request of his admirers. Always attentive to his public duties, yet he has so economized his time as to find an opportunity for these literary

labors. A perusal of these efforts of an active mind would show the reader how much of vigor and freshness it continues to impart to them. Well versed in the literature and history of the present and past ages, he adds to this, in all his writings, the observations of a long experience in the affairs of mankind, and a more intimate knowledge than a stranger to him would suppose, of all the practical arts and sciences in daily use among the avocations of his fellow-citizens. These attainments he has acquired by constantly employing his time and thoughts, either in study, reading, or observation. He has not listlessly passed away his time.