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of the materials employed. And the costly experiment made by England, when she too hastily increased her fleet, about thirty years ago, by building ships with improper materials and bad workmanship, ought to furnish us with a profitable lesson. Those vessels soon decayed, after rendering very little service. Naval means should, therefore, be provided at a period of leisure, to be ready for immediate employment in a period of exigency; and a due regard to prudence dictates that these means should so far exceed the estimated demands of the service as to supply in the shortest time any loss occasioned by the hazards of the ocean and the accidents of war. We may safely calculate that the number of seamen in the United States will increase in proportion to that rapid augmentation which is going on in all the other branches of national interest. If we assume that, at a given period, we may expect to embark in war, our capacity to man a fleet will exceed our present means by a ratio not difficult to ascertain. And even then, by greater exertions, and perhaps higher wages, a larger portion may be induced to enter the naval service, while no exertions can make a corresponding addition to the navy itself, but at a loss of time and expense and a sacrifice of its permanent interests."

General Cass, in this celebrated report, repelled the idea of shutting up our coasts by fortifications, and insisted that no nation. would embark in the Quixotic enterprise of conquering this country. And, hence, that any army thrown upon our coast would push forward with some definite object to be attained by a prompt movement and vigorous exertions. He showed, too, that the system of fortifications adopted in Europe was inapplicable to America, and referred to our own experience as proof positive that an invading force could only command but little more than the position it actually occupied. He reasoned that, perhaps England might be considered conquered if London was taken-France, if Paris fell-but no such consequences would flow to this country by the capture of Washington.

"Our seats of government," said he, "are merely the places where the business of the proper departments is conducted, and have not, themselves, the slightest influence upon any course of measures, except what is due to public opinion and to their just share of it. If the machine itself were itinerant, the result would be precisely the same. Or, if, by any of the accidents of war or

pestilence, the proper authorities were compelled to change their place of convocation, the change would be wholly unobserved, except by the few whose personal convenience would be affected by the measure. Nor have our commercial capitals any more preponderating influence than our political ones. And although their capture by an enemy, and the probable loss of property and derangement of business which would be the result, might seriously affect the community, yet it would not produce the slightest effect upon the social or political systems of the country. The power belongs to all and is exercised by all."

After going over the subject of the national defenses, in all its ramifications, and discussing in detail the advantages and disadvantages of each locality, he put his suggestions in a practical form, under the following heads of recommendation:

1. An augmentation of the navy.

2. The adoption of an efficient plan for the organization of the militia.

3. The cultivation of military science, to the end that we may keep pace with the improvements in all the branches of that advancing science.

4. The skeleton of a regular establishment, to which additions might be made from time to time, as the public exigency should require-securing, at the same time, economy, with a due power of expansion.

5. The preparation and proper distribution of all the munitions of war.

6. Defensive works then in process of construction to be finished.

7. All the harbors and inlets upon the coast, where there are cities or towns whose situation and importance create just apprehension of attack, and particularly where we have public naval establishments, should be defended by works proportioned to any exigency that might probably arise.

8. Provision to be made for the necessary experiments to test the superiority of the various plans that may be offered for the construction and use of steam batteries, meaning batteries to be employed as accessories in the defense of harbors and inlets, and in aid of the permanent fortifications.

9. A reconsideration of the project for fortifying the roadsteads or open anchorage grounds, and its better adaptation to the

circumstances of the country. And then, in connection with the prosecution of the public works, he recommended: first, that the corps of engineers should be increased; and, secondly, that when the plan of a work has been approved by Congress, and its construction authorized, the whole appropriation should be made at once, to be drawn from the treasury in annual installments, to be fixed by the law.

A report so complete, upon a subject of such intrinsic importance, could not fail to arrest the attention of the people, and receive the consideration of Congress. It did so. The leading features of the recommendations are incorporated into our system of national defenses, and conserved the great business interests of the country and the sovereignty of the nation. And its author, for this labor, if for no other, is entitled to the lasting gratitude of the republic.

With other heavy cares of office making large drafts upon his time and thoughts, nothing but the dictates of the truest patriotism could have prompted his efforts. If he had been so disposed, he could very well have confined his attention to the ordinary routine of departmental life, and acquitted himself honorably, as the stereotype phrase goes; and if, perchance, he had happened to stumble upon some new project, however utterly foreign to the general scope of a cabinet officer, upon that could he have reposed for fame, temporary, most assuredly, but, nevertheless, sufficient for the ephemeral quid-nuncs of to-day-known but yesterday and forgotten to-morrow.

CHAPTER XXII.

General Cass' Health-Desires to leave the Cabinet-Accepts the French Mission-Voyage across the Atlantic-Reception at the Court of St. Cloud-General Cass as a Diplomatist-His duties-His Memoranda of Court Customs-French Life-An Emeute-French Manners-French Knowledge.

General Cass' ambition in being a member of the American Cabinet at Washington, was early gratified; and, as the reader already has been apprised, he so informed the President at the commencement of his second term. It was more in conformity of the wish of the President, than of his own, that he remained a member. He continued in the discharge of the duties of Secretary of War until the summer of 1836, when, finding that his health was failing, because of the assiduousness which a proper discharge of the duties of the position demanded the year round, he acquainted the President of his desire to withdraw from public duties, and in retirement refresh his exhausted energies.

General Jackson was loth to part company with his old friend, and would not listen to the idea of his going into private life. A month, probably, elapsed before the President signified his willingness to accept the resignation; and even then it was conditional. The President was willing to exchange General Cass from the War office to that of a Foreign Ambassador at the Court of St. Cloud; and the acceptance of the Secretary's resignation in this modified form was assented to by General Cass, coupled with the condition that he should be permitted to travel on the continent and in the countries of the east, as soon as the business of the Legation at Paris would permit.

An important historian, in alluding to General Cass at the time he held the War post in General Jackson's cabinet, stated that, "In the important station which he now holds, his sphere of usefulness is enlarged, and none of his predecessors ever enjoyed a greater share of public confidence. Strict and punctual in his business habits, plain and affable in his manners, with powers of mind which grasp, as it were by intuition, every subject to which they are applied-united to various acquirements."

General Cass retired from the Department of War with a voluntary letter from the President, expressive of the warmest thanks for his valuable services, and earnest wishes for his welfare; and in October following he embarked in the ship Quebec, at New York, for Paris, accompanied by his family. Our diplomatic relations with that country had been for some time suspended, owing to the failure to make the payments due to us, agreeably to treaty stipulations, for injuries done to our commerce. The money, however, having been paid, there was no reason why this state of alienation should continue, and the necessary measures to renew the intercourse were therefore taken. But as no direct communication had taken place between the two governments, General Cass was instructed to repair to London, and there to wait till it was ascertained that he would be received, and that a correspondent step would be taken by France. The British government acted as the intermediary upon this occasion, and immediately received assurances that the advances of the United States would be met in an equally friendly spirit. Accordingly, an envoy was appointed, and after spending a few days in England, awaiting the result, our Minister repaired to Paris, where his reception was all an American could require.

This was General Cass' first voyage across the ocean, and the first time in a public life of thirty years, that he had turned his back upon his native land; and he now did so, only to again set his face towards the stars and stripes he loved so well, as soon as he could receive his exequatur from Louis Phillippe. All the knowledge that books could give of the countries to which he went, General Cass had by heart; and now the favorable opportunity had come for him to learn, by personal observation, how near or how far astray he was, from their truthful condition and position in the mighty scale of nations. He had seen America and American life, in all its diversified phases, from the dreary and barbarian wilds of Superior, to the pleasant and soul-inspiring savannas of the southern latitudes; he had, time and again, with the terrific war-whoops and death-song ringing their startling and melancholy cadence upon the ear, smoked the pipe of peace, and refreshed himself in the rude wigwam of the savage; and he had as often, and more, moved "the observed of all observers," in the most enlightened society, and among the most accomplished men of his time. He had witnessed, with equal pain, the treachery

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