called masters of the world, while they have not a foot of ground in their possession." But that patriot failed in his attempt to restore freedom to Italy: the fury of the slave-holders destroyed himand, but that his brother imitated his attempt, and shared his fate, he had justly merited the title of "last of the Romans." The consequences of the practice reprobated by Gracchus, were speedily felt in Italy. That country, which in former times had supplied men in shocking profusion for the sword, became almost desolate; yet unable to produce food for itself, was fed from Africa and Egypt. The legions were raised in Gaul; and as the influence of slavery spread most widely, soldiers were sought upon the frontier, which alone could furnish them, all the rest of the empire forming a land of tyrants and a den of slaves, who fell like grass before the mower's scythe, when assailed by the undisciplined valour of freemen, bles; so in the slave states, the destruction of the white race, and the multiplication of the black, took place in equal ratio, by the same engrossing spirit operating in the slave-holder. As in Italy, in the time of Gracchus, so in Virginia in our day: the poor freeholder is bought out; he quits the country; a gang of negroes replace his family; the state has lost defenders, and acquired enemies; more land is wanting for the increasing stock, and more is bought; colonies of ne groes planted; and as the plantation extends, it evinces in the names borne by its different fields, that formerly, so many white families occupied the ground where now only one remains. The former have gone to the west. "Driven out by thee to new abodes, Ancient authors are full of this subject. The decrease of the plebeians and the increase of the slaves, was a continued source of lamentation. The Senate declined appointing a particular habit for the latter. "We were afraid," says Seneca, "lest they might begin to count us." Progressively with the increase of slaves, went the engrossing of land. "Extensive estates," says the elder Pliny, "have been the ruin of Italy, and they have been equally destructive in the provinces. That of Africa was held by six persons." It would be some satisfaction to learn, from the same author, that the reigning tyrant destroy-feeling, he will gradually sink into the ed them, but that we find that the estates and slaves only changed masters. In vain did the law hold out encouragement to the free race;-the wealth of the slave-holder was irresistible. Indeed what power could secure the possession of the petty land holder from the grasp of a neighbour who counted his slaves by thousands? It was impossible; and the system ceased not till foreign conquest levelled both slave and master under the more humane villeinage of the Barbarians. As, in Italy, the increase of slaves and decrease of freemen, took place by the all-grasping spirit of the no If the white stays in his native state, his case is still more deplorable. Disheartened by the loss of his bit of land, and forbidden by pride to labour as a hireling among negroes, he abandons himself to hard drinking, and perishes an early victim, to the abominable institutions of his country. His children, too generally, follow his example. Inquire for him, after a few years; you find that his place knows him no more, unless he should be destined to a fate yet more deplorable. If destitute of lowest grade, composed of those dregs of existence called overseers*-the most abject, degraded, unprincipled race; always cap in hand to those who employ them, and furnishing materials for the exercise of their pride, insolence, and spirit of domination.† This class is the intermediate, between the independent landlord and the negro. Be it also remembered, that these degraded mortals are sacred from labour; as white men, they hold the rod. How low, then, must be those beings sunk, This is a too common but not universal char. aster of overteers. + Wirt. 1 labour appear 11 suci Winch tie abandons Besides, the stave-troider pursues hum me his new consider as a retreat and wil m aut time root hum, from the earth. This conduct unte maten ensures his own destruction. The barons of the South may, like those of former ages, exut in the icrease of their vassals, and the decrease of poor freemen. Let them remember that the commoners of Engjand sprung from the villems, and that the barons have long since disappearec before them.. The education and nabits of the fait, save them from much of the vice and misery emalied upon the boiĞer sex. Yet is the situation of a poor WIGOW, with a family of dauginers, truḥ pitable. She cares not put them out wo serve in a wine fami she knows, too well, what & pour degraded thing is a bound girl in a slave state. She endeavours to bring up her care by needie-work or spinning, the only labour compatible with their colour. But where is the employmeir. “ The lagy or the next prantation prùies them : *Yet what can i do for them adds she. *1 tave more razy negro wenches than I can find work for " I pass over the consequences. they are too horrible to be dwek upon. Had these helpless girls lived in a free state, every cottage would have been oper to them; the wheel and loom would have furnished employment, labour and its rewards would have been their lot: they would have left a numerous progeny, and their sous might have been enrolled among the saviours of their country and the benefactors of mankind. They are supplanted by a race of enemies the natural, justly the natural enemies of their native country, and the opprobrium of byamity. But negroes are increased, and that ought to satisfy us. A respected friend, many years ago, just returned to Richmond in Virginia, from beyond the ridge, informed me with great srisfaction of the improve ments in that part of the state. “You would," said he, "be delig ted to see them. Frederick county now resem bles the lower country. Wealtby gentlemen, owners of large gangs of negroes, entertain you at as good a table, and with as generous wine, as you can find at home. The poor people and small farmers are bought out, and have gone to new countries." Such was what my friend considered as a subject of pleasing contemplation: and many others, of the same opinion, coolly observe that the removal of the poor planter is an improvement of his condition. It is so for the present: but what is to become of the country (To be continued` STATISTICS OF SLAVERY. Of all the circumstances, by which the people of these United States are distinguished from the inhabitants of the eastern world, there is probably none more remarkable and interesting that the unparalleled growth of our population. Wade the inhabitants of Africa are,in all probability, less numerous now than in the day when Scipio Africanus planted his victorious eagles on the wails of Carthage; while eastern Asia, with its last acre subjected to cultivation, is groaning under a stationary population, and, even western Europe, with all its arts and enterprise, requires nearly a century to effect a duplication of its inhabitants, the people of the United States double their numbers in less than a fourth of that time.* It is true the tide of emigration has always set across the Atlantic in a western direction; still it is easily * The French Encyclopedists tell us, that ac cording to the work of the Abbe Expily, the population in France in £fty years, increased about one twelfth. Adam Smith supposed, that a duplication in Great Britain and most other Countries, would require at last five hundred Trans Calyboun estimated the inhabitants of Great Britai, in 1700, at 6,520,000 souls, and in 1500 they amounted 10 10.817,000, and therefore it would appear they had not doubled in a century. From a summary of the population of England, Wales and Scotland, published by order of the House of Commons in 1812, it appears the population of those countries in 1891, amounted to 10,942,546 persons, and in 1811 to 12.552,144; a ratio of increase which would double the population in a little more than 50 years. Dr. Seybert allows eighty years for the duplication of the inhabitants of Great Britain, and 22.61 for those of the United States. See Statistics, page 28. shown, that the emigrants compose a comparatively unimportant part of our aggregate increase.* To whatever cause this rapid augmentation is to be attributed, the fact is generally admitted as conclusive evidence of national prosperity. It is, however, of great importance, that our growth should be healthful as well as rapid, and our means of subsistence be commensurate with our augmentation of numbers. How far this is dependent upon the admission or exclusion of slavery, is a consideration worthy the attention of the politician no less than the philanthropist. Though the enumerations made by order of Congress for the years 1790, 1800, and 1810, are much less particular with regard to the slaves in the United States, than would have been desirable, yet they furnish the data of numerous very important calculations. The census of 1820 having been made upon an improved plan, supplies a document of still greater interest. The following table exhibits the number of slaves, and their ratio to the free white population, and to the free coloured race, in the several states at the four periods for which enumerations have been made. It may be observed that in the enumerations prior to 1820, the free coloured people are probably rendered a little too great, for want of the proper distinctions in the manner of making the returns; this, however, is remedied in the census of 1820. In all the enumerations except the last, the slaves are returned without distinction of age or sex. In the census of 1820, the returns from New York exhibit an amount of 3405 slaves, under 14 years of age, and a further amount of 3203, under 26, * The emigrants from 1790 to 1810 were estimated at 120,000, to which number adding 60,000 for their native increase, we obtain an amount of 180,000 as our foreign_supply during those twenty years. But the whole actual increase of our white population, during that time, was 2,821,910. The augmentation of this part of our population was, therefore, composed of indigenous and exotic growth in the ratio of about 15 to 1. It may be added that the influx of foreigners, by filling up the places of employ. ment and increasing the difficulty of support, rather retards the increase of the native inhabit ants. though, by the law of that state, passed in 1817, all children born of slaves in the state after the 4th of July, 1799, were to be free at the age of 28 or 25 years. And it is presumed few slaves are held there, except such as are born, there of slaves. In Pennsylvania we also find in the same census, 7 slaves under 26, and 54 more under 45, though according to our laws, the youngest slave for life held in Pennsylvania, must have been then upwards of 40 years of age. It therefore appears that we have enumerated as slaves, at least in New York and Pennsylvania, those coloured persons who are held to serve until 28. It may be further remarked, that some confusion has been unavoidably introduced into the table by the numerous divisions of states or territories, which have been made during the intervals between the enumerations. Thus, the relative numbers in North Carolina for 1790 and 1800, are rendered imperfect by the formation of Tennessee. A similar inaccuracy is introduced into those of Georgia for 1810 and 1820, by the formation of Alabama. During the same interval, some important changes were made in the countries on the Mississippi, by the division of the territory of Louisiana into Missouri and Arkan sas. From this table we may observe, that in all the states north of Mason and Dixon's line, the slaves have been decreasing through all the periods, with the exception of New Jersey in the first, and Delaware in the last. And in most of them the change has been so rapid, that we naturally anticipate the addition of several states to the number in which slavery will be unknown at the time of the next enumeration. In New York, the decrease of the slave population appears much slower than in several of the sister republics, yet there, the year 1817 must stand as a conspicuous era in the history of slavery. In all the southern states, we find the number of slaves continually increasing through every period included within the table, with the exception of Maryland during the last interval; and the ratio of increase is generally augmented as we recede from the non-slave holding states. This ratio and the circumstances either of local situation, or species of cultivation, by which it is affected, furnish a subject which will be reserved for future examinations. The fact may be here adverted to, one which an inspection of the second column, for each of the successive periods, will render obvious, that in the middle states, Maryland included, the ratio of the free white population to that of the slaves is continually increasing, with one solitary exception; but we observe the appalling fact, that in those south of the Potomac, not only is the number of slaves increasing, but the ratio of their number to that of the free white inhabitants is generally augmenting. A few, and but a few exceptions appear. Thus in Virginia in 1810, there were 71.17 slaves, and in 1820, but 70.5 slaves for 100 white persons. Also in South Carolina, we find the balance, for slaves and free white population, changing, during the interval from 1790 to 1800, in favour of the whites; but for the two following periods, the opposite vibration has place, giving to the slaves in 1820, a numerical superiority. The numbers in the third column prove, that in most districts of the United States, the ratio of the number of free persons of colour, to that of the slaves, is gradually changing in favour of the free. In Maryland, Virginia, and the Carolinas, we find the number of slaves for every 100 free persons of colour, continually decreasing through each of the periods. In Delaware, the numbers decrease through two of the periods, and increase in the third. Thus it appears, that in that state there was, from 1810 to 1820, not only an augmentation in the absolute number of slaves, but an increase of their ratio, both to the white and to the free coloured population;-a fact deserving the serious attention of the enlightened people of that republic. AFFECTING EXIT. The following pathetic narrative, is extracted without comment, from the travels of Lieut. F. Hall, a native of Great Britain, who visited the United States, in 1816 and 1817. The execution it appears took place at Charleston, S. C. during the visit of the narrator in the former part of 1817. "A man died on board a merchant ship apparently in consequence of poison mixed with the dinner served up to the ship's company. The cabinboy and cook were suspected, because they were, from their occupations, the only persons on board who did not partake of the mess, the effects of which began to appear as soon as it was tasted. As the offence was committed on the high seas, the cook, though a Negro, became entitled to the benefit of a jury, and, with the cabin boy, was put on his trial. The boy, a fine looking lad, and wholly unabashed by his situation, was readily acquitted. The Negro's turn was next. He was a man of low stature, ill-shapen, and with a countenance singularly disgusting. The proofs against him were, first, that, he was cook; so who else could have poisoned the mess? It was indeed overlooked, that two of the crew had absconded since the ship came into port. Secondly, he had been heard to utter expressions of illhumour before he went on board: that part of the evidence was indeed supprest which went to explain these expressions. The real proof, however, was written in his skin, and in the uncouth lines of his countenance. He was found guilty. "Mr. Crafts, junior, a gentleman of the Charleston bar, who from motives of humanity, had undertaken his defence, did not think a man ought to die for his colour, albeit it was the custom of the country; and moved in consequence for a new trial, on the ground of partial and insufficient evidence ; but the judge, who had urged his condemnation with a vindictive earnestness, intrenched himself in forms, and found the law gave him no power in favour of mercy. He then forwarded a representation of the case to the President, through one of the senators of the state; but the senator ridiculed the idea of interesting himself for the life of a negro, who was therefore left |