A gentleman, who lately visited this city, informed the editor in the course of conversation, that on a journey from one of the western states to Virginia, during the coldest part of the winter 1826-27, he followed the route on which the traders in swine return to Kentucky from the southeastern parts of Virginia, and the adjacent state.These traders, it appears, collect toward the close of summer, from the western parts of Kentucky, immense droves of hogs, which they drive to the southeast in search of a market. At the time in question, these travelling merchants were returning with the produce of their respective adventures. Many of them had collected in exchange for their swine, great numbers of negroes, mostly children and youths of both sexes, with a few women, whom they were conducting to Kentucky. Sometimes he passed a dearborn loaded with its human mer. chandise, huddled together in a parcel of straw, like the quadrupeds with which they had been purchased, and covered with a few dirty blankets. Sometimes his eyes were disgusted with the sight of a woman perched on a horse, with a child in her arms and another cowering at her back, all scantily clothed, and exposed to the rigours of the pitiless blast. At the taverns where he lodged, he generally found a number of these suffering children of humanity, who seldom failed to apply to their own accommodation, during the night, the blankets which the travellers carried under their saddles. These blankets, when found, after necessary search, in the morning, were always more injured, both in texture and appearance, by their application to human use during the night, than by their station between the saddle and the horse during the day. The dirt with which they were copiously marked, bore ample testimony to the situation in which their occupants had been lodged, and the traces of fire, to the scantiness of their nocturnal supply. He endeavoured to learn, from the traders themselves, in what manner these children had been procured, and by what means they were intended to be introduced and sold in Kentucky.* With respect to the former, it appeared they were obtained exactly like any other article of trade; one, two or more in a place, without regard to family connexion, or any other circumstance, except the convenience or caprice of the parties to the contract; and as to the latter, no important difficulty was present by the prohibitory law; for the law itself had provided the means of its own evasion. An oath only was required that the slaves were brought into the state for the proper use of those who brought them; and the sale was easily effected, by borrowing money and giving the slaves in pledge, with the condition annexed, that in case the money was not repaid within a limited time, the pledge should be forfeited. Where the nerves and the conscience have become inured to the purchase and sale of human being as goods and chattels, perhaps this traffic may be readily reconciled. It may be said, and perhaps with truth, that the removal of these children, from the ex In the states of Delaware, Maryland, North and South Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, Geor gia, Alabama and Louisiana, the following, or a similar law is in force. "No slave or indented servant of colour, shall be brought into this state by land or water, nor shall any slave or indented servant of colour, who may be imported or brought contrary to the intent and meaning of this act, be bought, sold or hired, by any person whatso ever. "Any person importing or bringing slaves, or indented servants of colour into the state contrary to the provisions of this act, shall forfeit and pay one hundred pounds, for each slave so imported or brought; and every person who shall knowingly sell, buy or hire, such slave or inden ted servant of colour, shall be subject to a like forfeiture: Provided, That nothing in this act, shall be construed to prevent any citizen of the United States, or citizen or subject of any foreign country, who intends to reside and settle within this state, from bringing with them such slaves or persons of colour, as they may think proper, or to prohibit any citizen of this state, who may obtain slaves, &c. by marriage, gift, legacy, devise or descent, from bringing the slaves or ser vants of colour so obtained, into this state by land or water." And in order to prevent the abuse of the privileges conferred by these excep tions, it is made the duty of the persons coming within them, to make oath that the slaves introduced are not intended for traffic, noi in vicla. tion of the law. hausted lands of Virginia to the more fertile soil of Kentucky, is an improvement, rather than a deterioration, of their condition. Still the traffic is strongly repulsive, on more accounts than one. These children, when fattened and matured for a few years in Kentucky, may very probably become the objects of a second transfer, to the great slave markets of Mississippi and the Floridas, a destination which is contemplated, by its victims, with peculiar horror. But exclusive of this consideration, grating as it must be to a feeling mind, the separation of children from parents, and the total dissolution of family ties, in which this traffic is commenced, and the perjury by which it is consummated, a broad philosophic principle stands opposed to this procedure. The human mind unavoidably forms an association between the characters as well as the values of things which we are accustomed to exchange for each other. Hence among civilized nations, the almost universal love of money. Our attachment to the necessaries and conveniences of life, is transferred by association to their representative, or in other words the money by which they may be purchased. The North American Indians, frequently adopt a prisoner into their families, in place of a relative whom they have lost; and according to the estimation in which the prototype was held, is that of the substitute. No assiduity can raise him above the character and standing of his original. When negro children are habitually and familiarly exchanged for domestic animals, particularly those of the less amiable kind, the comparison thus made of the values of the objects of exchange, can scarcely fail to equalize, or at least closely approximate, in the eyes of the traders, the associated races. One predominant idea involves them all, they are viewed as property. Value is supposed to be given for value.—The worth of the one species is estimated in terms of the other, and hence the characters are unavoidably, in estimation if not in fact, closely assimilated. Is not this to brutalize the human race, and, as far as possible, to erase the Creator's image from the creatures he has made? Well might these poor degraded children address, to their drivers, the pathetic language of Cowper, Prove that you have human feelings, LOVE OF COUNTRY EXEMPLIFIED. The following narrative is translated from the petition against the slave trade, presented to the French Chamber of Deputies, in March 1821, by J. Morenas, lately employed as Agricultural Botanist, at Senegal, and member of the commission of exploration, attached to that colony. In the year 1807, the slave traders (Nigriers,) of St. Louis, equipped an armament, destined ostensibly for Galam, but which sailed to Alebia. The unsuspecting natives received the French without the smallest distrust, entered into trade, and supplied them with such articles of food as they desired. The day was passed in sportive hilarity. This to the Europeans, was the roaring of a tiger in sight of his prey. The village was attacked at dead of night, and the miserable inhabitants either slaughtered, while defending their liberty, or carried into slavery. Many of them were transported to America; those who had the misfortune to fall into the hands of the French colonists, either died or remained to languish in hopeless and perpetual separation from their natal shore. Others were landed and sold in the island of Cuba. It is well known that slavery among the Spaniards, exists in a mitigated state, the slaves being allowed a part of the day to be employed according to their own discretion; and to purchase one or more hours of the day, until by successive redemptions, they become completely free. Thirty-two of these people, including both sexes, who had been captured in the attack upon Alebia, having, by painful and persevering labour, purchased their freedom and chartered a Spanish vessel for 1500 francs, (about 280 dollars) each, arrived at St. Louis, in May 1818. This event, which occurred a short time previous to my arrival at Senegal, where it produced a great sensation, was related in the Sierra Leone Gazette of 25th of July, 1818. Quere-Could these African captives, have regained their liberty in this manner, if they had been sold in the United States? ON SLAVERY. In giving place to the following essay, extracted from the Kentucky Reporter, the editor of this work, desires it may be distinctly understood, that he is not pledged to the opinions of the writer. The essay is evidently the production of no ordinary mind, and presents some strong and original views of the future prospects of these United States. One topic at least has been adverted to, which the editor does not wish to introduce into this journal; and which he has consented to admit, merely from delicacy towards the writer, whose opinions, if given in a mutilated state, might be supposed unfairly stated. Emanating from the bosom of a slave holding state, it is hoped the strictures will be considered as those of a southern, rather than a northern observer. The editor has been informed, upon authority which he considers authentic, that the essayist, who is far advanced in life, emigrated in his youth, from Great Britain, and fixed his residence in Virginia, from whence a few years ago, he removed to Kentucky. It has been repeatedly observed, that nations have dreaded the objects of their terror, long after all cause of dread had ceased; and that before their apprehensions were appeased, some power till then unthought of, has arisen and expelled former fear by present danger. It is needless to multiply examples: two may suffice. Spain, though but the shadow of her former self, was long the object of defensive confederacies among the other European powers, till France arose, and nearly seized that universal monarchy which Spain once thought her own. The object most frightful to England, for a century, was Popery ; joined afterwards, for another century, with the dreaded name of the Pretender. Giant Pope-to borrow the lively allegory of John Bunyan-had grown crazed in his limbs, and could do little more than sit in his cave, grinning at pilgrims as they passed along, while the last of the unhappy race of Stuarts was perishing by hard drinking. Yet the fear of both was hardly lulled, when Atheism grasped the power of France and almost realized the worst apprehensions of her ancient rivals. Among ourselves, the power of Britain, the separation of the states, and the all-pervading influence of Congress, form, each in turn, the political bugbear of the day; while, within our very bosom, a tremendous power is rising, which outgrows our growth, and, by rapid advances, is increasing beyond our strength. I hardly need add, that I allude to our black population. In attempting to discuss the consequences inevitably arising from this description of people, and the measures absolutely necessary to counteract them, I shall not advert to topics drawn from religion or morality. These have been brought forward by the divine and the philosopher, as yet, to little purpose. Indolence, Pride, Avarice and Fear, powerful agents in the human system, have hitherto been too hard for both. Let us then be content to urge the motive of temporal safety. Let us inquire whether those who defy, or evade, the sanctions of religion and the persuasions of morality, may not be moved by the consideration that in retaining these people they are clinging to certain destruction. Some degree of attention has lately been paid to this subject; and the colonizing project has been hailed as presenting a dawn of improvement to Guinea, and of deliverance to Ameri ca. Great benefits certainly will accrue to Guinea, from colonizing the coast; but the numbers, likely to be sent from hence, will not afford much relief to those who are doomed to the The irksome task of guarding the remainder. Nor can the most lively imagination indulge a hope, that the tenth part of the offspring of our present stock may be disposed of in this way. The utmost we can expect is, that a good number of free negroes may leave the northern states. As for the slaves of the south, they are property, and so highly valued, that it is to be feared no prospect of future danger will induce their owners to part with them. The sinking fund of England contrasted with the increase of the national debt--the colonizing scheme of America opposed to the increase of the negroes are equally ineffectual for their respective ends. The situation of England in her finances, has long been to us a subject of pity or derision. Had we not better look at home, and see whether there exists a possibility of freeing ourselves from a burthen a thousand fold heavier than the debt of England? The abolition of the debt would at the worst, only change the persons of a few public men, and the fortunes of a few thousand individuals. increase of the black race in the United States must ultimately terminate in the extirpation of their masters. Nor let this be considered as remote from us by so many generations that we may safely leave it to after ages to provide against. The evil is almost at our doors. Fifty years hence, our children will behold from six to eight millions of their mortal enemies in the southern and western states; and the close of the century may double that number. It is not likely that our Guinea Colony will in fifty years show a population of 200,000; but 'tis certain that it will not exceed half a million. What kind of relief, will this afford us, with six or seven millions, on our hands? The passage to the West Indies is short, and the expenses, it is said, to be defrayed by the government of Hayti. Our whole stock of negroes, say 1,700,000, might by a few years navigation of 100 ships, be carried over. But would the Haytiens accept so many as must become their masters? And would the owners choose to part with them? Whatever becomes of the first question, the last must certainly be answered in the negative. Yet, would the owners keep VOL. I.-8 this destructive property to themselves, and forbear to drive the unwilling wretches into the neighbouring states, there would yet remain a hope for us. But this seems the farthest from their thoughts. The right of extending slavery appears dear to the owners as that of retaining slaves. Many well meaning and respectable men, recommend the dispersion of the slaves, from an idea that it may lessen their numbers in their native states. A little consideration may convince such persons of the fallacy of their views. The quantity of food produced in a country, determines the number of its inhabitants. Take away onehalf the people--the remaining half will, in a single generation, breed up to the amount maintainable, by the produce. War, pestilence, and famine, are certain to be followed by an uncommon number of marriages. Their ravages have made space. Humiliating as it may appear, the human race exists on precisely the same terms as the brute creation. If your plantation supports a certain number of animals, and you sell one-half, you will, if your plantation continues equally productive, soon make up your number. Andalusia misses not the horses which she sent to America, although the latter country holds perhaps a hundred times the number to be found in the Spanish province. Nor will the British islands miss their original emigrants, when America shows a hundred millions of their descendants. Indeed, the reverse of this is more likely to take place. Population increases in proportion to emigration. Those Spanish provinces which send the greater part of the emigrants to America are the best peopled. Scotland and Ireland are full, to the extent of their means of subsistence, although they have been pouring forth their swarms for centuries.Emigration encourages marriage. He who doubts his ability to support a family, is encouraged to raise one by the consideration, that, at the worst, they can find a subsistence elsewhere. This reasoning occurs in Virginia, as well as in Britain. Hence many, deterred from matrimony by a view of difficulties, find their scruples removed; and frequently the strong attachment to their native country deter mines them to remain there, even when pressed by that poverty to which they would not have exposed themselves but for the hope of escaping it by emigration.-And these remarks apply to the Negroes. Remove them by thousands, those left become more valuable, and the owner of the stock redoubles his attention to make up the deficiency. You may suppose that he will find a substitute in labouring white men. But this neither suits his interests, nor their prejudices, so long as negroes remain in the country. The vacancy is soon filled up with slaves; and you are taught by experience, that you have burthened the new states without relieving the old. Converse on this subject with a southern slave owner: he will acknowledge that appearances are awful-" but," adds he, "you will by and bye be in the same situation." And this consideration he seems to view as some consolation in his own desperate state. Such is the judicial infatuation attending this kind of property that its owners would rather see their neighbours involved in their guilt and danger, than look to them as a probable asylum in future distress. Happily, the line of demarcation has been fixed; and the white race to the north of 37° may count upon existtence. From thence the slave states may look for help at a future day, and they will then gratefully acknowledge the services of those who, by their exertions in the legislature, prevented the states from being overrun by negroes. At present, they feel very different emotions; as blinded by habit || and temporary advantage, they are unable to discern the consequences of their conduct. It is my intention to Jay open these consequences, and for that purpose, I shall, with frankness, present to my reader, the result of a like state of things at a far distant period. Nothing is more common than to hear men express indignation at the conduct of their predecessors, while themselves, under a different appellation, are treading closely in their footsteps. In France, the political fanatic of Louis the Sixteenth's day, abominated the religious fanatic of Henry the Fourth's time; yet to an impartial observer, they appear twin brothers. Among the names hateful to republicans, those of "patrician," and "noble"-so well known, the first in the early, and the last in the concluding period of the Roman republic, are perhaps the most conspicuous. I doubt whether the hideous term, 66 king," is worse: nay, I am inclined to believe that many good men would rather be plagued with a single tyrant than with a regular nobility. Yet let us inquire into the composition of society in the southern states, and we shall find it to consist of nobility and plebeians. Among these last, the negroes are not to be mentioned; for whenever they are heard of they are plebeians no longer. But the plebeians in the southern states are the poor whites; nor are these to be limited to those who hold no land, and consequently possess no vote: the petty free-holder holds the prominent place among them. The striking difference-the great cause of complaint, between the patrician and the plebeian, was the engrossing of land by the former, and the substitution of slaves in the place of the latter. What followed hence, appears in Plutarch's Life of Gracchus. "As Tiberius passed through Tuscany, he found the country almost depopulated-there being scarcely any husbandmen and shepherds, except slaves from foreign and barbarous nations." A sight like this was enough to rouse the feelings of a Roman; but those of Tiberius are best expressed in his own words: "The wild beasts of Italy have their caves and dens to retire to for refuge; but the brave men that spill their blood in her cause, have nothing left except air and light. Without houses, without any settled habitations, they wandered from place to place with their wives and children; and their generals are but mocking, when on the eve of battle, they exhort their soldiers to fight for their sepulchres and domestic gods. For out of such numbers, there is not perhaps a single Roman who has an altar that belonged to his ancestors, or a sepulchre in which their ashes rest. They fight and die in order to advance the wealth and luxury of the great; and they are |