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lections, as a very different account of African slavery, in general, is given by

is so great, that the government would be afraid of committing any act of in

numerous witnesses, to whom the learn-justice for fear of a revolt. He did not

ed historian could not object; several of them being the avowed supporters of the African slave trade, in defence of which, or at least to prevent its abolition, this history appears to have been written.

From the statements contained in the preceding essay, it is obvious, that the word slave is less definite in its meaning than is generally supposed. Indeed the situations of those to whom this term is applied, are so exceedingly various, that to speak of slaves, without indicating the age or nation in view, is about as precise as to speak, in the same indefinite manner, of pounds, shillings and pence.

From the narratives of those persons who have visited Africa, it appears there exist throughout a great part of that extensive continent, two descriptions of persons, very distinct from each other, included in the comprehensive appellation of slaves; the domestic and the vendible slaves; and so strongly marked is the distinction between them on the African coast, that the former are considered as being in a state of comparative freedom. To convert a domestic slave into a vendible one, by whatever process effected, is, in the language frequently used by travellers, to reduce him to slavery.

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know that there are any countries, either on the coast, or in the interior of Africa, where the slaves are bred for sale."

Governor Dalzell, who resided three years on the Gold coast, in his evidence before the same body, gives the following account: "The Gold coast is divided into a number of petty states, governed by their chiefs or Coboceers. These Coboceers have each their particular vassals, but have not such an absolute power over them, as to be able to dispose of them without the consent of their fellow vassals, or the pynims or elders of the town. The Coboceers have no power over the lives or property of their vassals, except in consequence of a trial before these pynims or elders."

Captain Matthews, a zealous supporter of the slave trade, speaking of the district in the neighbourhood of Sierra Leone, says: "The slaves make three fourths of the inhabitants on that part of the coast," and yet, as he says in another part of his testimony, "of the numbers taken from this country, only a small part are natives of the sea coast; some of whom are prisoners, made in the wars which the petty states have with each other; others are sold for various crimes." Again;-" If the domestic slaves are born in a man's possession, or have been in his possession a twelvemonth, they cannot be sold without the form of a trial." Whether the form of a trial is a mockery of justice, or fairly conducted, is a point on which the witnesses do not entirely agree.

Robert Norris, a slave captain, speaking of the slaves on the Gold coast,

4

says, "the distinction is this; a slave that has been purchased or acquired, may be disposed of at pleasure; but a slave born within their walls, cannot be sold at the will of his master, unless guilty of crimes." He afterwards stated that the sentence of a magistrate was required to authorise the punishment of selling.

Governor Barnes, who resided 13 years in Africa, in his evidence before the House of Commons, testifies that "house slaves are never sold except for crimes." Their trials are said to be openly conducted by the elders. In Senegal and Gambia, he says, "the slaves of black masters are very well fed, except in famines, with corn and fish. They are not worked for any regular time, nor constantly, and never under the whip.".

J. B. Weuves, Esq. who resided fourteen years in Africa, states, in his account of the Fantees, before the House of Commons :-"Slaves are the greatest part of their wealth. There are born slaves and purchased slaves.

Governor Fountaine,-" Slaves purchased by the natives, may be sold again at their pleasure; but such as have fallen to them by inheritance cannot be sold, but by the general consent of the other domestics, unless convicted of crimes." Again, "In such habits of familiarity do masters live with their slaves, that except for a very capital fault, they would not be subjected to punishment."

Captain Wilson, states, "The slaves employed by the Africans, live with their masters, and are so treated as to be scarcely distinguishable from them."

C. B. Wadstrom, companion of Dr. Spaarman, in his account of Africa, says, "Slaves are kept by the natives at Goree and Senegal, but scarcely any on the continent. They are very well treated and never sold, lest there should be an insurrection among their fellow slaves."

From his remark that scarcely any slaves were kept on the continent, contrasted with the testimony of others, that about three fourths are slaves, it'

The born slaves cannot be sold except || appears probable that he could not disfor crimes. They are tried by judges || tinguish between the slaves on the of their own clan, i. e. slaves belong-continent and the freemen.

ing to, and inherited by one man. The punishment is generally slavery. They are made slaves for theft, witchcraft, &c. For these crimes free men are also made slaves."

To understand how slavery can be adjudged as the punishment inflicted on slaves, or how those who are already in a state of slavery, can be made slaves for the same crimes as freemen, we must retain in memory the distinction already noticed. We also very na turally conclude that the domestic slave occupies a station but little removed from that of the freeman.

Nearly similar is the testimony of

J. Kiernan, who was about four years in Africa, says in his evidence, (H. of Commons,) "Persons of property there, have a great number of persons under the denomination of slaves, whom they treat as Europeans would people of their own family."

Z. Macauly, formerly governor of Sierra Leone, in his evidence before the House of Lords, says" I have very frequently made the attempt to ascertain the proportion which the slaves in that country bear to the freemen. I made it an object in every place that I happened to visit; but so much alike in their appearance, in their treatment,

whatever, but may be treated and disposed of as the owner thinks proper. It sometimes happens, indeed, when no ships are on the coast, that a humane and considerate master incorporates his purchased slaves among his domestics; and their offspring at least, if not the parents, become entitled to all the privileges of the native class. "**

and in the conduct observed towards
them, are the domestic slaves in that
country and the freemen, that I found
it impracticable, unless I went to make
individual investigations, to ascertain
that proportion." And again; "I was
never able to discriminate between the
son and the domestic slave of any
chief." Further, "Field labour is per-
formed by free people, and by the do--Trav. p. 46.
mestic slaves, jointly and indiscrimi-
nately."

Mungo Park, in his account of the
Mandingoes, says, "In the account of
the natives, the reader must bear in
mind that my observations apply chief-
ly to persons of free condition, who ||
constitute, I suppose, not more than
one fourth part of the inhabitants at
large; the other three fourths are in a
state of hopeless and hereditary sla
very, and are employed in cultiva-
ting the land, in the care of cattle, and
in servile offices of all kinds, much in
the same manner as the slaves in the
West Indies.* I was told, however,
that the Mandingo master can neither
deprive his slave of life, nor sell him to
a stranger, without calling a palaver on
his conduct; or in other words, with-
out bringing him to a public trial. But
this degree of protection is extended
only to the native or domestic slave.
Captives taken in war, and those un-
fortunate victims, who are condemned
to slavery for crimes or insolvency, and
in short, all those unhappy people who
are brought down from the interior
countries for sale, have no security

As from other parts of the Narrative it is abundantly evident that the treatment of domes tic slaves in Africa, differs essentially from that in the West Indies, no trace of the driving sys tem appearing in Africa, it has been supposed, with great probability, that this illustration was supplied by B. Edwards, the editor, and not by the author.

Again the same intelligent traveller, after describing the various employments of the natives, adds; "In all the laborious occupations above described, the master and his slave work together, without any distinction of superiority.”—p. 322.

And further on he applies to the slaves in general, nearly the same remarks as had been previously made with respect to the Mandingoes. “The domestic slaves, or those born in a man's own house, are treated with more lenity than those that are purchased with money. The authority of the master over the domestic slave, as I have elsewhere observed, extends only to reasonable correction, for the master cannot sell his domestic, without having first brought him to a public trial before the chief men of the place.” Here he subjoins in a note, "In time of famine, the master is permitted to sell one or more of his domestics, to purchase provisions for his family; and in case of the master's insolvency, the domestic slaves are sometimes seized upon by the creditors, and if the master cannot redeem them, they are liable to be sold for the payment of his debts. These are the only cases that I recollect, in which the domestic

*This African practice bears a striking analo. gy to the precept in the Jewish law, relative to the treatment of strangers and their children.Ezekiel chap. 47, ver. 22, 23.

slaves are liable to be sold without any misconduct or demerit of their own." p. 324.

The difference between the domestic and the purchased slave, as well as the difference between the slavery of Africa, and the western world, is illustrated by the following anecdote, taken from the Privy Council report. "There is a man there, viz: at New Calabar, called Amachree, who has more influence and wealth than all the rest of the community, though he himself is a purchased slave brought from the Braspan country; he has offered the price of an hundred slaves for his freedom; but according to the laws of the country, he cannot obtain it; though his master, who is an obscure and poor individual, would gladly let him have it. It is contrary to a fundamental law of the country that a purchased slave should become free; and the priests, who are interpreters and guardians of the laws, are afraid, if it should be permitted in the case of this man, of establishing a dangerous precedent.

Communicated for the African Observer.

KIDNAPPING.

In the summer of 1825, a number of free coloured children were suddenly missed from the city of Philadelphia and its suburbs, some of whom at that time were believed to be drowned, and that others had absconded from the service of their parents, guardians or masters, and were strolling through the country, or had hired in the neighbouring cities, particularly several Chimney Sweeps, who were among the missing; this seemed probable, and reports in relation to some of them, gained currency with their friends, that they had been subsequently seen in New York, Albany, Lancaster, &c. The number, however, increased so

alarmingly, in the latter end of the summer, amounting to near twenty, and none of them having returned, the conclusion became general that some unusually successful and extensive plan of kidnapping, had been practised upupon them; but notwithstanding the strict inquiries made by their friends, and the police of the city, the whole transaction remained a profound mystery. It was only discovered that seval coloured children, had been carried through Sussex county, in the state of Delaware, in a manner that excited strong suspicion of foul play. The first information received in relation to them was by a letter directed to the Mayor of the city, by Messrs. John W. Hamilton and John Henderson, of Rocky Spring, Mississippi, dated 2d January, 1826, containing a narrative (which was published at the time in all our city newspapers,) of the kidnapping of Mary Fisher, Enos Tilghman, Alexander Manlove, Samuel Scomp, Joe Johnson a sweep boy, and Cornelius St. Clair. The latter boys though last missed were first heard of. A certain Ebenezer F. Johnson held them in possession, under a fictitious bill of sale, from Thomas Collins; they were offered for sale to Mr. Hamilton, whose suspicions being excited, he caused the whole party to be arrested; sustained a suit brought by Johnson, and succeeded in establishing the freedom of the above named, except St. Clair, who was sold at Tuscaloosa in Alabama, and of the sweep Joe who was literally whipped and beaten to death by Johnson, before he arrived at Rocky Spring. Through the benevolent and decisive conduct of Messrs. Hamilton and Henderson,* the four first named were returned in safety to their friends. Sinclair has not returned; he fell into the iniquitous hands of a Shylock, who having been defeated in endeavouring to smuggle the boy out of the way,

*Two silver pitchers of the value of 150 dollars each, are ready for presentation to those gen. tlemen, with the following inscription handsome. ly engraved upon them.

"In conmemoration of the disinterested, spi. rited and benevolent exertions of [John Henderson on one, and J. W. Hamilton on the other,] of Mississippi, in rescuing from unlawful bondage, certain persons of colour, who had by force or fraud been taken from their homes in the states of Pennsylvania and Maryland, this piece of plate is respectfully presented by a number of citizens of Philadelphia. March, 1827."

mod youaoudy insists upon the ounce k ring their retom, after they have been

A tots working u the bond, tough the tale of the boy to freedom, tas been proved before him in the most

succesfully stolen away and sold, in consequence of a law which very generally prevails in the shave holding

positive manner, he is still held in bon-states of the inadmissiblity of the tes

dage. A gentleman of the city, has undertaken a journey of a thousand mides, to identify his person before a judoni tribunal in the interior of Alabama, and we now have a right to look for his speedy return.* Johnson left Rocky Spring to procure proof, as he waid, in Accomack County, Virginia, of his legal right to the children, but has not ventured to return. These sufferers, in their depositions, taken on their return to this city, (one of which we anmex) all declare that in August 1825, they were seduced on board of a small sloop, at anchor in the Delaware below the Navy Yard, for the purpose of getting Peaches, Oranges, Water Melons, &c. that when taken on board they were instantly put in irons, and kept in the hold of the veswel for a week, until they landed not far from the house of Joe Johnson, that they were marched through swampy grounds, corn fields and brushwood, that they were kept in irons a considerable time in the houses of Joe Johnson, and of Jesse and Patty Cannon, then put on board of a vessel for a week or more, were again landed and marched many hundred miles, until they were at length stopped at Rocky Spring, as before mentioned.

The following editorial article, narratives, and correspondence, we have extracted from the article published at Natchez, and from Poulson's Daily Advertiser; altogether they furnish a commentary and detail of as great an outrage on the rights of humanity and the laws of the land, as we have ever been called upon to notice, and display in bold relief, the conduct of a gang of conspirators, unworthy of the name of men. Infinite distress has been produced by their most flagitious conduct, and death has been the consequence to at least one of the victims. There is too, an excessive hardship in the case, in the great difficulty of procu

Since the above was handed to the editor, n letter has been received from the person alluded to, informing that he has found the boy and suc eceded in establishing his freedom. We may therefore now confidently anticipate their specs dy return.

timony of free coloured persons, and in some instances the absolute requirement of the verbal evidence of white persons in open court to identify the kidnapped person, and even this in the lapse of a few years from the very nature of the case, becomes almost impossible. But few white persons can accurately describe the particular marks of a black child, who may have grown up even under their own roof; the children selected by kidnappers are very generally between the ages of 10 and 15 years, and if the felons can contrive to secret them for a year or two under a changed name, their persons and appearance, from hardship, sickness and sufferings, and sometimes from rapid growth, become so entirely altered, that their most intimate friends are puzzled to recognize them, added to which the great distance to which they are carried in the more remote southern and western states, the sometimes deadly effect of southern climate on a northern constitution, the great expense of a journey in going and coming, prevent the few white persons from doing so, who may be competent to give evidence. All these circumstances combine to increase the difficulty of which we have spoken.

We are well aware that few of the persons with whom these boys are eventually found, are in the slightest degree privy to the foul abduction or management which has placed them in their hands, they have been grossly imposed upon in the purchase-in most instances fictitious bills of sale are produced by the felon that has them in possession, to show his title to the property, the children themselves being previously and completely broken down, flogged, and intimidated, into any story that he may think necessary to forge for them.* On their

The editor has been credibly informed, that persons are frequently employed to visit the kidnapped boys, in their places of confinement, in the absence of their keepers, and draw from them, under the profession of friendship, a fair representation of the means by which they had been procured. This being done the poor chil

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