mine, said—“Is it indeed so, that you have concluded a treaty with the Creeks?" It is, sir. "Then, sir," he added, "there is not money enough in the treasury, to pay you for what you have accomplished"-when he left me, and went over to the President's. The treaty was ratified by the Senate, and the exciting circumstances that had so long continued to vex Georgia, and trouble the Executive of the Union, so far, at least, as the Creek Indians were concerned, were put to rest, and forever.

My special commission (that of March 28, 1827,) referring to me the duties which I left Green Bay to execute, stipulated that my "compensation should be fixed on my return, and made equivalent to the extent and value of my services." After having been some time at home, I suggested to the secretary, that when he should be at leisure, I was prepared with my accounts, and ready for their adjustment. "Sir," said he, "I have been thinking of this. I know the terms upon which you undertook this almost hopeless mission; and know, also, that your services have been immensely valuable; and whilst I set an almost priceless value on them, I am compelled, that no cry of favoritism may be raised, to limit your compensation to the pay of a commissioner." I am perfectly satisfied, sir, I replied, and will make up my accounts upon that basis.

I sent my messenger to the office of the Second Auditor, with a request to Mr. John Peters, the ablest and most efficient clerk in the office, to come to my room. So taking down a United States map, I requested him to mark and measure my route-from Washington to Green Bay, and from Green Bay by the way of the route I had returned home. It made, (I write from memory,) seven thousand miles. He knew the day I had left home for Green Bay; and now having the distance, I referred to him the making up of my account for my per diem allowance, and for the mileage. I was gone about seven months. He stated my account, certifying that he had measured

the distance, and that it was made up, and correctly, upon the basis of the pay to a commissioner. I handed it to the Secretary of War, who said, "I have no doubt it is all right-but that I may be able to say I examined the route myself, bring in your map, and let me go over your track.” It was done. He went over the whole, making also the calculations, and found all was right; when he took his pen, and wrote upon it," Approved-J. Barbour."

Political agitation, and of a sort more bitter and more fierce than any that had ever preceded it, had now become universal. Mr. Adams and his administration, the ability and economy, and purity of which, no honest and intelligent man doubted, was to come down, "though it was as pure as the angels at the right hand of God!" The Washington Telegraph, edited by Duff Green, took the lead in this war, and was the caldron in which the elements were concocted, that were to be employed by the party in opposition to Mr. Adams, to overthrow his administration. Every day sent forth fulminating matter, until the country rang with the fierce cry of “intrigue-bargain—and corruption;" and this was the battering-ram chosen by the party in opposition to the administration of Mr. Adams for its overthrow. I shall be excused, I hope, for giving it as my firm belief, that not one of the original contrivers of this master-stroke of the political engine, believed it to be true.* Names, intended to be opprobrious, were invented and applied to functionaries of the government, with the clap-trap purpose of taking the fancy of those whose capacity was too shallow to be stirred by things of more solid or truthful import.

Humble as was my position in the government, I was not permitted to escape. Day after day, the Telegraph teemed with abuse of me. In vain did two of General

This charge has been anaylzed by Mr. Colton in his life of Henry Clay. It is now put beyond all doubt, that my opinion of it was correct.

Jackson's friends interfere to stay these onsets, by representing to Green their injustice, etc. The answer given by him to one of them was-" He (meaning me) was the author of a letter signed P. B. K., wherein my name and my course were assailed; and, whilst I can hold a pen, he shall feel its power." This might have been the spark that fired the magazine of this gentleman's wrath, but it was, by some, shrewdly suspected that my inability to make a certain account, amounting to some sixty thousand dollars,* square with the provisions of either the intercourse law of 1802, or with my conscience; and the reference which I recommended of that account to the Committee of Indian affairs of the Senate-the chairmen of which, Colonel Benton and General Green, being not on terms of the most harmonious sort-as Green told me-and which reference had been "approved" by the Secretary of War, and acted upon, was at least one of the reasons of all those assaults upon me. Two accounts had been handed to me by General Green, at the same time-that to which I have referred, and which claimed, in the names of numerous settlers, remuneration for spoliations alleged to have been committed upon them by certain Indians; and another, amounting to some five or six hundred dollars, (I write from memory,) for cattle that General Green had furnished to the garrison at Prairie du Chien, as contractor, and which had been driven off by the Indians after they had been turned over to the proper officer. This last account, as the certificate of my agent at Prairie du Chien, Nicholas Boilvan, at the Prairie, I recommended for payment. It was paid. It was to inquire after these accounts, and shortly after their reference to the Senate Committee, that General Green came to my office. On learning the disposition that had been made of the large account, he flew into a passion, and after giving vent to much wrath against myself, and making known the sort of relations that exist

* I write from memory. The sum was enormous.

ed between him and Colonel Benton, "a man," he said, "whom I cannot approach," and receiving from me an appropriate response, he left the room, shaking his finger at me, saying, "I'll mark you, sir!"

“I'll

Now it might have been this circumstance, or Mr. Key's letter, or both, that had kindled General Green's wrath, and made it burn so fiercely, and with such constancy, in his Telegraph, against me. When the ordinary means of assault failed, the resort was had to the extraordinary-and I was known by the title of "KICKAPOO AMBASSADOR !"

General Jackson having succeeded to the Presidency, and General Duff Green, with his Telegraph, becoming the organ of "the government," I saw, from the known influence that Green exercised over the President, that among the officers who were destined to be struck down, I was one. General Jackson had not been long in power, before one after another of the officers of the government were dismissed. The promise, that "General Jackson will reward his friends, and punish his enemies," was now in a course of rapid fulfilment; and ever and anon, as one and another of the faithful, experienced, and long-tried officers, were struck down, the cry went forth from "the Telegraph," “THE WORK GOES BRAVELY ON!" No matter how long, or how faithful had been the service rendered by the victim; nor how indispensable was his "experience" towards the right action of the government, or the protection of the public interests; nor how dependent his position, for the means of support for himself and family, nor how unblemished his character, if those who held "the list" resolved to put "the mark" to his name, he was sure to Had some of these been appointed by Washington? No matter-even if it be the venerable and pious Register of the Treasury, Joseph Nourse, the honored of Washington, the cherished of Madison, of Monroe, and of Adams-down with him! The promise must be fulfilled-the "reward" must be bestowed" to the victors belong the spoils."

go.

It was foreseen that such havoc made among the tried,

and competent, and faithful incumbents, might lead the public to suspect that the loss of all this "experience" might prove hurtful to their interests. To quiet all such apprehension, it was announced, by high authority, and under the most imposing form, that "experience was not a necessary qualification for office," etc. And then, again, it had been announced, that persons were to be selected, whose "diligence and talents" were to "insure," in their respective stations, "able and faithful" co-operation, whilst more reliance was to be placed on the "integrity and zeal of the public officers, than on their numbers."

Now, all this, I cannot bring myself to doubt, was honestly meant by the distinguished functionary who gave utterance to these doctrines and purposes; nor can I question his honesty of intention to fulfil all the promises that he made-even to that which announced that mighty "reform in those abuses that had (as it was alleged) brought the patronage of the federal government into conflict with the freedom of elections." Nor were the causes which, it was also alleged, had "disturbed the rightful course of appointment," and "which had placed, or continued power, in unfaithful or incompetent hands," to be permitted to remain, but were to be "corrected." This, too, was, no doubt, honestly spoken by the distinguished personage who thus pledged himself before the American people. He was fresh in his place. But there were those who had been hackneyed in artifice, who, knowing the avenues of approach to his confidence, took care to prepare the way, not only for the foregoing flowery openings, for the quieting and repose of public opinion, but for the ultimate results of Executive favor to themselves, with all their enriching results.

Among the first to profit by this state of things, was General Duff Green, whose "reward" was conferred in the job-printing of the government in his paper, and in his appointment as printer to Congress. I was present when