body not possessed of the means of forming an enlightened decision, must be ideal. To give a salutary vigor to this principle, a full disclosure of the state of the treasury, of every description of public burthen from the greatest to the least, of all compensations, fixed by law or ascertained by executive agents, has been statedly made; together with ample details elucidating the situation of every establishment under the government. Even the sacred ground of patronage, so prudently veiled in darkness by most governments, has been opened to the view of the nation, and the rewards of favorites, if such there are, nakedly exhibited. A momentary clamour has been raised at the alleged suppression of information on two subjects of very various importance ;-the repairs of the Berceau; and the negociations respecting Louisiana. But time, by dissipating the obscurity attending these events has proved that the first was a link in the chain of amity that now so happily unites us with the most powerful nation of the world; and that the secrecy attending the Louisiana negociations was directly, perhaps inseparably connected with the success that crowned the final result. For had the pending steps been at the time avowed, there is every reason to think that injurious delays and obstacles, altogether frustrative of the possession of that territory, would have been interposed by rival nations. England, accustomed to interfere in whatever related to France, would have scarcely suffered such an occasion to pass without improving it to the promotion of her own interest, either directly by benefitting herself or injuring her rival; and Spain would too probably have exerted every nerve to avert a measure, which, it is known, she deprecates, however erroneously, as unfriendly to her power in this part of the world. B In the discharge then of this constitutional duty, we contemplate in the measures of the executive, a devotion to the republican principle of giving the fullest information to the people, unalloyed with the imprudent length to which an impolitic extension of even sound principles is too apt to be carried by enthusiasts. The other branch of this duty, is the recommen. dation to Congress of such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient. We have seen that this is not a power, which the President may or may not, but one, which the constitution expressly declares he shall exercise. Under this constitutional injunction, sanctioned by an oath of office peculiarly solicitous of engaging the utmost efforts of the chief magistrate in its preservation, he has recommended to the consideration of Congress several measures. It is unnecessary at this time to enumerate any but those of considerable importance. In his address to the seventh Congress, at the opening of their first session, he says, " Other circumstances, combined with the increase of num. bers, have produced an augmentation of revenue arising from consumption, in a ratio far beyond that of population alone; and though the changes in foreign relations, now taking place so desirably for the whole world, may for a season affect this branch of revenue, yet, weighing all probabilities of expence, as well as of income, there is reasonable ground of confidence, that we may now safely dispense with all the internal taxes, comprehending excises, stamps, auctions, licences, carriages and refined sugars; to which the postage on newspapers may be added to facilitate the progress of information; and that the remaining sources of revenue will be sufficient to provide for the support of go. vernment, to pay the interests of the public debts, and to discharge the principals in shorter periods than the laws, or the general expectation had contemplated. War, indeed, and untoward events may change this prospect of things, and call for expences which the imposts could not meet. But sound principles will not justify our taxing the industry of our fellow citizens to accumulate treasure for wars to happen we know not when, and which might not perhaps happen, but from the temptations offered by that treasure-These views, however, of reducing our burthens are formed on the expec tation that a sensible, and at the same time, a salutary reduction may take place in our habitual expenditures. For this purpose, those of the civil government, the army and navy, will need revisal." In the same communication, the President invites the attention of Congress, without expressing any opinion, to the revision of the Judiciary establishment. These two objects are those which have, in the greatest degree, divided public opinion. The propriety of the measures adopted by Congress in relation to them will, in its proper place, be distinctly discussed. They are merely mentioned in this place as forming part of the measures suggested or recommended by the President, in order that the whole may be presented to the view of the reader. Besides these, he has, in his several communications, attracted the attention of the legislature to the following topics. He has recommended A retrenchment of unnecessary expence, An adherence to specific appropriations, An impartial selection of jurors, A revisal of the naturalization laws, A faithful payment of the interest, and a prompt discharge of the principal of the public debt, Unceasing efforts to perfect the militia, The nature of the Executive duties of a great nation is such as not to admit of discharge by one man. They are so various and extensive that the exertions of an individual, however splendid or mighty, are inadequate to the task of fulfilling them. Although, therefore, the theory of the government vests in the President the whole Executive power, qualified in some instances by the advice and consent of the Senate, yet it is no less manifest, from the legal provisions established than from the reason of the thing, that a division of power was contemplated among subordinate agents. Hence the establishment of four great departments, each possessed of a supreme control over a circumscribed sphere of delegated powers. The government was no sooner put into operation than laws passed establishing the departments of State, of the Treasury, and of War; and as soon as the public exigencies required a Navy, a law was passed establishing the Navy department. At the head of each of these departments the President was required, with the approbation of the Senate, to place an individual, whose continuance in office should depend upon his pleasure. Laws passed from time to time, defined the duties, as well of these officers, as of those placed under them. These laws were, in several cases, so many limitations of the Executive power of the Chief Magistrate. They devolved specific duties upon subordinate agents, and left only to him a general superintendance, divested of all discretion. Even the responsibility of appointing proper officers is divided with the Senate, who are possessed of the right of rejecting any candidates offered by the President; as instances may occur, and probably have occurred, in which names have been pro posed by him, as much from a knowledge that they would be acceptable to that body, as from his own estimation of their qualifications. It is not the object of these remarks to derogate from the responsibility of the President. It cannot be denied that his powers are vast, and, of consequence, that he should be held under, a rigid responsibility. It is only meant to shew that this responsibility is not absolute; and that all the measures of the Executive government, in their various details, are not to be considered as his. It is true, however, although he does not possess an absolute control over the acts of subordinate agents, he yet does possess the efficient power of removal, and of thus preventing a continuance, though he may not have been able to prevent the first occurrence of misconduct. It is apparent, from this feature of the government, that much depends upon the character of the men called upon to fill offices, and particularly of those on whom are devolved the superintendance of the four great departments. To the Secretary of State, is immediately committed the conduct of foreign relations, on which the peace and commercial prosperity of the nation depend; to the Secretary of the Treasury is committed the management of the whole resources of the government; and to the Secretaries of War and Navy are committed all the duties attached to those mighty engines of national defence. Besides the distinct discharge of these great duties, these high officers, in conjunction with the Attorney General as members of the Cabinet, are called upon to advise the President in all cases of great moment, and to co-operate in the taking effectual measures in every inte resting crisis of affairs. From these considerations, the formation of a ministry has been deemed under all governments a work of the greatest delicacy and difficulty; and so arduous as to have been reputed |