CONTINENTAL CONGRESS. INTERESTING PROCEEDINGS. FRAGMENT OF AN ELOQUENT SPEECH, Made in the general congress of America, by one of the delegates in 1775-author unknown. FROM ALMON'S REMEMBRANCER. parliament, however, prepared to support every one of their measures. I forbear, sir, entering into a detail of those acts, which from their atrociousness, must be felt and remembered forever. They are calculated to carry fire and sword, famine and desolation, through these flourishing colonies. They cry "havoc, and let slip the dogs of war." The extremes of rage and revenge, against the worst of enemies, could not dictate measures more desperate and destructive. The great God, sir, who is the searcher of all things will witness for me, that I have spoken to you, from the bottom and purity of my heart. We have heard that this is an arduous considThere are some people who tremble at the eration. And surely, sir, we have considered approach of war. They fear, that it must put an it earnestly. I may think of every gentleman inevitable stop to the further progress of these here, as I know of myself, that, for seven years colonies; and ruin irretrievably those benefits, past, this question has filled the day with anx- which the industry of centuries has called forth, ious thought, and the night with care. The from this once savage land. I may commend God to whom we appeal, must judge us. If the anxiety of these men, without praising the grievances, of which we complain, did not their judgment. come upon us unprovoked and unexpectedwhen our hearts were filled with respectful affection for our parent state, and with loyalty to our king-let slavery, the worst of human ills, be our portion. Nothing less than seven years of insulted complaints and reiterated wrongs, could have shaken such rooted sentiments. Unhappily for us, submission and slavery are the same; and we have only the melancholy alternative left-of ruin or resist-inactivity of tranquil times. It rouses and ance. The last petition* of this congress to the king contained all that our unhappy situation could suggest. It represented our grievances; implored redress, and professed our readiness to contribute for the general want, to the utmost of our abilities, when constitutionally required. The apparently gracious reception it met with, promised us a due consideration of it; and that consideration relief. But, alas! Sir, it seems at that moment the very reverse was intended. For it now appears, that in a very few days after this specious answer to our agents, a circular letter was privately written by the same secretary of state to the governors of the colonies, before parliament had been consulted, pronouncing the congress illegal, our grievances pretended, and vainly commanding them to prevent our meeting again. Perhaps, sir, the ministers of a great nation, never before committed an act of such narrow policy and treacherous duplicity. They found * In 1774, presented last Christmas. War, like other evils, is often wholesome. The waters that stagnate, corrupt. The storm that works the ocean into rage, renders it salutary.-Heaven has given us nothing unmixed. The rose is not without the thorn. War calls forth the great virtues and efforts, which would sleep in the gentle bosom of peace. Paulum sepulta distat inertia celaia virtus." It opens resources which would be concealed under the enlightens. It produces a people of animation, Henry the VIIth, her peaceful bosom (in her | reduce us, by fire and sword, by the savages poet's phrase) was gored with iron war. It was in the peaceful reigns of Henry VII. Henry VIII. and Charles II that she suffered the severest extremities of tyranny and oppression. But amid her civil contentions, she flourished and grew strong; trained in them, she sent her hardy legions forth, which planted the standard of England upon the battlements of Paris; extending her commerce and her dominion. "Those noble English, who could entertain The beautiful fabric of her constitutional liberty was reared and cemented in blood. From this fulness of her strength those scions issued, which taking deep root in this delightful land, have reared their heads, and spread their branches like the cedar of Lebanon. Why fear we then, to pursue, through apparent evil-real good? The war, upon which we are to enter, is just and necessary." "Justum est bellum, ubi necessarium; et pia arma, quibus nulla, nisi in armis, relinquitur spes.” It is to protect these regions, brought to such beauty through the infinite toil and hazard of our fathers and ourselves, from becoming the prey of that more desolating cruel spoiler than war, pestilence, or famine,-absolute rule and of the wilderness and our own domestics, to the most abject and ignominious bondage; desirous, at the same time, to have people of all ranks and degrees duly impressed with a solemn sense of God's superintending Providence, and of their duty devoutly to rely in all their lawful enterprises on his aid and direction, do earnestly recommend that Friday, the 17th day of May next, be observed by the said colonies as a day of humiliation, fasting and prayer; that we may with united hearts, confess and bewail our manifold sins and transgressions, and by a sincere repentance and amendment of life, appease his righteous displeasure, and, through the merits and mediation of Jesus Christ, obtain his pardon and forgiveness, humbly imploring his assistance to frustrate the cruel purposes of our unnatural enemies; and by inclining their hearts to justice and benevolence, prevent the further effusion of kindred blood. But, if continuing deaf to the voice of reason and humanity, and inflexibly bent on desolation and war, they constrain us to repel their hostile invasions by open resistance, that it may please the Lord of Hosts, the God of armies, to animate our officers and soldiers with invincible fortitude, to guard and protect them in the day of battle, and to crown the continental arms by sea and land, with victory and success. Earnestly beseeching him to bless our civil rulers, and the representatives of the people in their several assemblies and conventions; to preserve and strengthen their union; to inspire them with an ardent disinterested love of their country; to give wisdom and stability to their councils; and direct them to the most efficacious measures for establishing the rights of America on the most honorable and permanent basis; that he would be graciously pleased to bless all the people in these colonies with health and plenty; and grant that a spirit of incorruptible patriotism, and of pure undefiled religion, may universally prevail: and this continent be speedily restored to the blessings of peace and liberty, and enabled to transmit them inviolate to the latest posterity. And it is recommended to Christians of all denominations, to assemble for public worship, and abstain from servile labor on the said day. By order of the congress. JOHN HANCOCK, President. EXCITING DEBATE IN CONGRESS deliberation more interesting or more important than that which now engages our attention, UPON THE QUESTION OF SEPARATION FROM whether we consider the future destiny of this. ENGLAND. One of the most interesting works that has ever appeared as a history of "the war of the independence of the United States of America," was writen by Mr. Charles Botta, an Italian, a translation of which has been made by Mr. George Alexander Otis. From these volumes we extract the two speeches that follow-previous to the insertion of which, it is necessary to give the "notice of the author' in relation to them. By way of preface to his work, Mr. Botta says"There will be found in the course of this history, several discourses, of a certain length. Those I have put in the mouth of the different speakers have really been pronounced by them, and upon those very occasions which are treated of in the work. I should, however, mention that I have, sometimes, made a single orator say what has been said in substance by others of the same party. Sometimes, also, but rarely using the liberty, granted in all times to historians, I have ventured to add a small number of phrases, which appeared to me to coincide perfectly with the sense of the orator, and proper to enforce his opinion: this has happened especially in the two discourses pronounced before congress, for and against the independence, by Richard Lee and John Dickinson. "It will not escape attentive readers, that in some of these discourses are found predictions which time has accomplished. I affirm that these remarkable passages belong entirely to the authors cited. In order that these might not resemble those of the poets, always made after the fact, I have been so scrupulous as to translate them, word for word, from the original." PATRIOTIC SPEECH OF RICHARD HENRY LEE, OF VIRGINIA, Delivered June 8TH, 1776, URGING AN IMMEDIATE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. On the 8th of June [1776] a motion being made in congress to declare independence, Richard Henry Lee, one of the deputies from Virginia, spoke as follows, and was heard with profound attention: "I know not, whether among all the civil discords which have been recorded by historians, and which have been excited either by the love of liberty in the people, or by the ambition of princes, there has ever been presented a free and virtuous people, or that of our enemies themselves, who, notwithstanding their tyranny and this cruel war, are still our brethren, and descended from a common stock; or finally, that of the other nations of the globe, whose eyes are intent upon this great spectacle, and who anticipate from our success more freedom for themselves, or from our defeat apprehend heavier chains and a severer bondage. For the question is not whether we shall acquire an increase of territorial dominion, or wickedly wrest from others their just possessions; but whether we shall preserve, or lose forever, that liberty which we have inherited from our ancestors, which we have pursued across tempestuous seas, and which we have defended in this land against barbarous men, ferocious beasts, and an inclement sky. And if so many and distinguished praises have always been lavished upon the generous defenders of Greek and of defend a liberty which is founded not upon the Roman liberty, what will be said of us who capricious will of an unstable multitude, but upon immutable statutes and tutelary laws; not that which was the exclusive privilege of a few patricians, but that which is the property of all; not that which was stained by iniquitous ostracisms, or the horrible decimation of armies, but that which is pure, temperate and gentle, and conformed to the civilization of the present age. Why then do we longer procrastinate, and wherefore are these delays? Let us complete the enterprise already so well commenced: and since with that liberty and peace which are our our union with England can no longer consist, chief delight, let us dissolve these fatalities, and conquer forever that good which we already enjoy; an entire and absolute independence. "But ought I not to begin by observing, that if we have reached that violent extremity, beyond which nothing can any longer exist between America and England, but either such war or such peace as are made between foreign nations, this can only be imputed to the insatiable cupidity, the tyrannical proceedings, and the outrages, for ten years reiterated, of the British ministers. What have we not done to restore peace, and to re-establish harmony? Who has not heard our prayers, and who is ignorant of our supplications? They have wearied the universe. England alone was deaf to our complaints, and wanted that compassion towards us which we have found among all other nations. And as at first our forbearance, and then our resistance, have proved equally insufficient, since our prayers [ernment will forget past offences and perform its were unavailing, as well as the blood lately shed; we must go further, and proclaim our independence.-Nor let any one believe that we have any other option left. The time will certainly come when the fated separation must take place, whether you will or no: for so it is decreed by the very nature of things, the progressive increase of our population, the fertility of our soil, the extent of our territory, the industry of our countrymen, and the immensity of the ocean which separates the two states. And if this be true, as is most true, who does not see that the sooner it takes place the better; and that it would be not only imprudent, but the height of folly, not to seize the present occasion, when British injustice has filled all hearts with indignation, inspired all minds with courage, united all opinions in one, and put arms in every hand? And how long must we traverse three thousand miles of a stormy sea, to go and solicit of arrogant and insolent men either councils or commands to regulate our domestic affairs? Does it not become a great, rich, and powerful nation, as we are, to look at home, and not abroad, for the government of its own concerns? And how can a ministry of strangers judge, with any discernment, of our interests, when they know not, and when it little imports them to know, what is good for us, and what is not? The past injustice of the British ministers should warn us against the future, if they should ever seize us again in their cruel claws. Since it has pleased our barbarous enemies to place before us the alternative of slavery or of independence, where is the generous minded man and the lover of his country who can hesitate to choose? With these perfidious men no promise is secure, no pledges sacred. Let us suppose, which heaven avert, that we are conquered; let us suppose an accommodation. What assurance have we of the British moderation in victory, or good faith in treaty? Is it their having enlisted and let loose against us the ferocious Indians, and the merciless soldiers of Germany? Is it that faith, so often pledged and so often violated in the course of the present contest; this British faith, which is reputed more false than Punic? We ought rather to expect, that when we shall have fallen naked and unarmed into their hands, they will wreak upon us their fury and their vengeance; they will load us with heavier chains, in order to deprive us not only of the power, but even of the hope of again recovering our liberty. But I am willing to admit, although it is a thing without example, that the British gov promises; can we imagine, that, after so long dissentions, after so many outrages, so many combats, and so much bloodshed, our reconciliation could be durable, and that every day, in the midst of so much hatred and rancor, would not afford some fresh subject of animosity? The two nations are already separated in interest and affections; the one is conscious of its ancient strength, the other has become acquainted with its newly exerted force; the one desires to rule in an arbitrary manner, the other will not obey even if allowed its privileges. In such a state of things, what peace, what concord can be expected? The Americans may become faithful friends to the English, but subjects, never. And even though union could be restored without rancor, it could not without danger.-The wealth and power of Great Britain should inspire prudent men with fears for the future. Having reached such a height of grandeur that she has no longer anything to dread from foreign powers, in the security of peace the spirit of her people will decay, manners will be corrupted, her youth will grow up in the midst of vice, and in this state of degeneration, England will become the prey of a foreign enemy, or an ambitious citizen. If we remain united with her, we shall partake of her corruptions and misfortunes, the more to be dreaded as they will be irreparable; separated from her, on the contrary, as we are, we should neither have to fear the seductions of peace, nor the dangers of war. By a declaration of our freedom, the perils would not be increased; but we should add to the ardor of our defenders, and to the splendor of victory. Let us then take a firm step and escape from this labyrinth; we have assumed the sovereign power, and dare not confess it; we disobey a king, and acknowledge ourselves his subjects; wage war against a people, on whom we incessantly protest our desire to depend. What is the consequence of so many inconsistencies? Hesitation paralyzes all our measures; the way we ought to pursue is not marked out; our generals are neither respected nor obeyed; our soldiers have neither confidence nor zeal; feeble at home, and little considered abroad, foreign princes can neither esteem nor succor so timid and wavering a people. But independence once proclaimed, and our object avowed, more manly and decided measures will be adopted, all minds will be fired by the greatness of the enterprise, the civil magistrates will be inspired with new zeal, the generals with fresh ardor, and the citizens with greater constancy, to "Why then do we longer delay, why still deliberate ? Let this most happy day give birth to the American republic. Let her arise, not to devastate and conquer, but to re-establish the reign of peace and of the laws. The eyes of Europe are fixed upon us! She demands of us a living example of freedom, that may contrast, by the felicity of the citizens, with the ever increasing tyranny which desolates her polluted shores. She invites us to prepare an asylum where the unhappy may find solace, and the persecuted repose. She intreats us to cultivate a propitious soil where that generous plant, which first sprung up and grew in England, but is now withered by the poisonous blasts of Scottish tyranny, may revive and flourish, sheltering under its salubrious and interminable shade all the unfortunate of the human race. This is the end presaged by so many omens, by our first victories, by the present ardor and union, by the flight of Howe, and the pestilence which broke out amongst Dunmore's people, by the very winds which baffled the enemy's fleets and transports, and that terrible tempest which ingulfed seven hundred vessels upon the coast of Newfoundland. If we are not this day wanting in our duty to country, the names of the American legislators will be placed, by posterity, at the side of those of Theseus, of Lycurgus, of Romulus, of Numa, of the three Williams of Nassau, and of all those whose memory has been, and will be, forever dear to virtuous men and good citizens." attain so high and so glorious a destiny. There | erable army of Persians; sustained by the love are some who seem to dread the effects of this of independence, the Swiss and the Dutch resolution. But will England, or can she, humbled the power of Austria by memorable manifest against us greater vigor and rage than defeats, and conquered a rank among nations. she has already displayed? She deems resist- But the sun of America also shines upon the ance against oppression no less rebellious than heads of the brave, the point of our weapons independence itself. And where are those is no less formidable than theirs; here also the formidable troops that are to subdue the Amer- same union prevails, the same contempt of icans? What the English could not do, can it dangers and of death in asserting the cause of be done by Germans? Are they more brave country. or better disciplined? The number of our enemies is increased; but our own is not diminished, and the battles we have sustained have given us the practice of arms and the experience of war. Who doubts then that a declaration of independence will procure us allies? All nations are desirous of procuring, by commerce, the production of our exuberant soil; they will visit our ports hitherto closed by the monopoly of insatiable England. They are no less eager to contemplate the reduction of her hated power; they all loathe her barbarous dominion; their succors evince to our brave countrymen the gratitude they bear them for having been the first to shake the foundation of this Colossus. Foreign princes wait only for the extinction of all hazard of reconciliation to throw off their present reserve. If this measure is useful, it is no less becoming our dignity. America has arrived at a degree of power, which assigns her a place among independent nations; we are not less entitled to it than the English themselves. If they have wealth, so also have we; if they are brave, so are we; if they are more numerous, our population, through the incredible fruitfulness of our chaste wives, will soon equal theirs; if they have men of renown as well in peace as in war, we likewise have such; political revolutions usually produce great, brave, and generous spirits. From what we have already achieved in these painful beginnings, it is easy to presume what we shall hereafter accomplish, for experience is the source of sage councils, and liberty is the mother of great men. Have you not seen the enemy driven from Lexington by thirty thousand citizens armed and assembled in one day? Already their most celebrated generals have yielded in Boston to the skill of ours; already their seamen, repulsed from our coasts, wander over the ocean, where they are the sport of tempest, and the prey of famine. Let us hail the favorable omen, and fight, not for the sake of knowing on what terms we are to be the slaves of England, but to secure to ourselves a free existence, to found a just and independent government. Animated by liberty, the Greeks repulsed the innum Lee had scarcely ceased speaking, when no dubious signs of approbation were manifested on all parts. But the deputies of Pennsylvania and Maryland not being present, and the congress desirous, by some delay, to evidence the maturity of their deliberations, adjourned the further consideration of the subject to the first of July. Meanwhile the patriots labored strenuously to induce the two dissenting provinces also to decide for independence. They employed the most earnest persuasions, to which they added also threats, intimating that not only would the other colonies exclude them from the confederation, but that they would |