in any of the United States, to lay duties and | God command Moses to number "all that were impositions contrary to the spirit of negotia- able to go forth in war in Israel?" Did not tions manifestly to the general advantage. Moses, by the Divine order, send 12,000 men to Such a power therefore should not exist-The cut off the Midianites: And, although "they greatest obstacles should be laid in the way of slew all the males," were they not reprehended public officers receiving any douceur from a for having "saved all the women alive?" Did foreign prince-It seems absolutely necessary, not the Almighty command the children of that precedence and rank should be established; Israel that, when they had passed into Canaan, for without it jealousies and confusions may "then they should drive out all the inhabitants arise-The numeration of the white inhabitants of the land from before them?" Did not cught to be frequently made, and with the ut- Moses direct that, when the people were most accuracy. This being the best means of "come nigh unto the battle," the priests should enabling the congress to wield the strength of encourage them, declaring that the Lord their America with equal justice to the several states, God was with them "to fight for them against and with vigor in defence of the confederacy. their enemies?" And yet the Quakers have And the mode in which this numeration shall sagaciously found out a few words which, by be made, and the general tax shall be raised, implication, they contend* restrain from doing ought to be specified. These things are capa- now, what God then commanded as just. The ble of being regulated in an easy, plain, equita- grand principles of moral rectitude are eternal. ble and punctual manner-The unanimous vote Dare the Quakers contend that the myriads, is highly expedient in the case of treason. For who have drawn the sword since the christian this is a matter of the most serious importance æra are damned for having done so? And -The eleven voices should be increased as unless they maintain this position, they seem the confederacy is enlarged. For neither the to have no reasonable excuse for their creed northern nor southern interest should be af- and conduct. They seem to have forgot that it fected, but by the consent of at least half the is written, "how hardly shall they that have states in such interests respectively-The penal riches enter into the kingdom of God." Are there article justifies itself as does that upon the any people upon the face of the earth more construction of the confederation, and of the diligent after riches than Quakers? We in this acts of congress and of the committee of the time of calamity, know it to our cost. Without United States. doubt there are many valuable men of that sect: Men of that persuasion are very good citizens in time of peace; but it is their principle in time of war that I condemn. Is there a Quaker who will not bring his action for trespass? Is not this an opposition to force. Here they forget their principle of meekness and non resistance. The great lord Lyttleton, in his dialogues of the dead, tells us, “it is blasphemy to say that any folly could come from the fountain of wisdom. Whatever is inconsistent with the great laws of nature, and with the necessary state of human society, cannot be inspired by the divinity. Self-defence is as necessary to nations as men. And shall particulars have a right which nations have not? True religion is the perfection of reason. Fanaticism is the disgrace, the destruction of reason." Than all this nothing can be more just, certain and evident. Can those men reasonably claim an equal participation in civil rights who, under any pretence whatsoever, will not assist in defending them? Shall there be a people maintained in the possession of their riches by the labor and blood of other In addition, sir, to this concise state of my reasons for some of the principal alterations I have made, I must beg leave to be more particular in my arguments in support of others, which I have much at heart and wish to make; because I have not had an opportunity of introducing them with propriety. I will endeavor to be as short as the importance of the subject will admit. I have excluded those from the privileges of free white inhabitants in the several states who refuse to take up arms in defence of the confederacy-a measure in my opinion perfectly just. It is said, example before precept. Let the Quakers take shelter under any text in scripture they please-the best they can find, is but a farfetched implication in their favor. However, had their precept been in more positive terms, I think I have an example at hand capable of driving them from such a cover. We read that "Jesus went into the temple of God, and cast out all them that sold and bought in the temple, and overthrew the tables of the money changers." Here we see the arm of the flesh raised up, and a degree of hostile violence exercised, sufficient to the end in view: And shall it be said violence is not justifiable? Did not They seem to have forgot that a knowledge of one's-self is the greatest and most difficult that can be acquired; and that it scarcely ever was obtained with any degree of precision. Men are not called into public stations for their own honor or advantage—but merely for the public benefit. The public are therefore the only proper judges who shall serve them, and in what posts particular men shall be placed : And besides they have a natural right to the service of every man in the community. It was, I think, a Spartan maxim, that a man was not born for himself, but for his country: Were we but actuated by this just and noble idea, we might be serenely calm and perfectly safe amidst all the venial exertions of Britain men? Are not the Quakers, some few excepted | being the only judges of their own importance the most inveterate enemies to the independ- and merit-they generally overrate both. ence of America? Have they not openly taken part with those in arms against us? I consider them not only as a dead weight upon our hand, but as a dangerous body in our bosom ; I would therefore gladly be rid of them. I almost wish to "drive out all such inhabitants of the land from before us." The Canaanites knew not God. But the Quakers say they know him and yet, according to the idea of lord Lyttleton, would have gross folly and injustice to proceed from the fountain of wisdom and equity. I entertain these sentiments with a conscience perfectly at ease on this point. If such treatment shall be termed persecution, the conscientious Quakers can never take it amiss, when they recollect that it is said, "blessed are they who are persecuted for Christ's sake." I-nay, of the rest of the world combined against do not consider this as such a persecution: But if they should, can they be displeased at being placed in a situation to be blessed? And I would lay it down as a truth, that whoever of that sect should be offended at such treatment would deserve to be expelled our society, as the buyers, sellers and money changers were cast out of the temple. I am not afraid of any resentment, when it is my duty to act in behalf of the rights and interests of America: I trust I fully demonstrated this resolution when, on the 25th of April, 1776, I had the honor, in the supreme seat of justice, to make the first public declaration in America, that my countrymen owed no allegiance to the king of Great Britain. I would have it a point settled in the confederation, that all general officers shall be elected-eradicating the idea of promotion to that rank by seniority. The idea is monarchical-I do not recollect that it was admitted in the ancient and wise republics. The great Hannibal, when very young, commanded the Carthagenian army in Spain over the heads of much older officers-and the first Africanus thought it no diminution of his honor to serve under his brother Asiaticus. These are illustrious instances of wise policy and honorable moderation--it is needless to give others to the same point. But, at present, officers expect to rise by seniority to a general command; and although it is declared that a generalissimo shall be elected, yet there is but too much reason to apprehend, as this is only a positive exception to the idea of seniority, and therefore scarce sufficient to eradicate the idea of promotion according to seniority, that the next in rank will always expect the election, and will be but too apt to consider himself as ill treated, if passed by. Men, now a days, are fond of us! It is upon this principle the aborigines of According to the plan before us, the quotas of the respective states, which I would term the American forces, are to be directed in that decided the superiority of nations. If America is to be secure at home and respected abroad, it must be by a naval force. Shall we then, scarce bestow a thought upon this palladium of our safety? Nature and experience instruct us, that a maritime strength is the best defence to an insular situation. Is not the situation of the United States insular with respect to the powers of the old world: the quarter from which, alone, we are to apprehend danger? Have not the maritime states the greatest influence upon the affairs of the universe? Do not the powers of Europe strain their nerves to render themselves formidable at sea? This, then, is the theatre, as I may say, on which America must appear, if she intends to appear any where, with dignity and importance. Can the proper means of her doing so, be better provided for, than in the confederation of her United States? This act ought to contain all the great lines of her general polity; other their operations by congress.-If it is meant, | Ecnoma, and La Hogue, were naval actions as I suppose it is, that there shall be a body of troops in a state, entirely independent of the command of the civil power, I shall, with the utmost reluctance, yield my assent to the proposition; which, to me, appears dishonorable to the sovereignty of the state, dangerous to its welfare, and inconsistent with the superiority of the civil power. I well remember the feelings of the general court of Massachusetts Bay, when governor Barnard told them he had no authority to order the king's ships to quit the harbor of Boston. If he, who was but a representative, ought, as the supreme civil officer, to have a power directing the military within his government a fortiori, the several states should possess that power-they are sovereign states. I do not desire that they should absolutely direct such troops: But the executive in each state may, for this purpose, be at least the representative of congress. If the people are to be ruined by a blunder, it will be more natural that they should be ruined by the mis-wise it must be imperfect. The nursery of take of their confidential men, than by that of an officer, perhaps a stranger. We have seen a day, when the salvation of this capital, under | God, depended, in a manner, upon the authority of the civil power over the troops in garrison: I cannot but wish for a continuance of that command which once has saved us; and which is, as it were, inseparable from the civil power. I cannot bear the idea of surrendering it so totally as the congress seem to require. her naval power cannot be better established, than by having it made uniform in all the states. What advantage does not Britain expect from her marine society? What oppression does not her people suffer from the practice of pressing, to man the royal fleets? An absolute outrage upon civil liberty, and yet often inadequate to the end. The plan I have hinted seems calculated to avoid these evils. The proportion of five in a thousand is smallthe allurements are considerable and not expensive-the service is but short. And yet, only estimating the white inhabitants at two millions, after the first sixteen years, ten thousand seamen will annually be created, to give security and importance to America; and in other seven years, in all probability we should have more than double the number of seamen, whose bounden duty it would be to man our fleets, that Britain in her most formidable hour ever collected, even with the aid of press gangs. The object seems easy to be obtained-the view is magnificently great-surely it is worthy of being seriously contemplated. The establishment of a basis for the American naval force is an object of the first importance; and it ought not to be omitted in the articles of confederation. Congress have endeavored to establish a land force; but this, which is of superior consequence, has been passed over almost in silence. For the first, they have provided even in detail; but for the other only in five words-" to build and equip a navy "-never was so important a subject more expeditiously dispatched. The Roman decree, "Dant operam consules, ne quid detrimenti capiat respublica," was a singular model of concise energy: But it must now cease to be so. However, I should have been better pleased had there been a clause added to our The due settlement of the importance of the maritime provision for manning the navy: several states respecting each other, is a matThis is the grand point-Britain finds it to be ter of capital moment. In congress each state, so. She can equip ships with ease from her ought of natural right, to have a weight in proyards: But the great difficulty is to man them. portion to its importance. Can any state be It is not with the phalanx that Greece kept the justly entitled to a greater degree of weight? great king at arm's length-it was not with the Can any state honestly desire to figure in legions that Rome acquired Sicily and con- plumes at another's expense? What is unquered Carthage-it was not with her battal-derstood by representation? Is it not a sign ions that Britain awed Europe: But Salamis, of the reality? Ought such a representation difficult coast of government, and venture to run our ship of state into safe port. By this we may probably find an haven, that will invite the people of all nations to take shelter in it against the furious storms of tyranny. But, without it, we shall be but too likely to be shipwrecked. Let us therefore adopt uniform and experienced principles throughout our voyage : Let us not trust to principles which clash and cannot form a perfect system. In the present case, either contribute to the public aid, according to ability, and have a corresponding weight-or, have equal weight, and contribute the same sum: Either is a perfect system: But the first part of each must ever continue irreconcilable to justice, and the known rule of right. The sage Montesquieu, having maturely considered the nature of a confederated government, particularly the Empire and Holland, says, "were I to give a model of an excellent confederate republic, I would pitch upon that of Lycia." Can we do better, sir, than adopt the governing principle in the most perfect model of a confederacy? I now beg leave to apply this principle to the rate for the public aid, established by congress on the 22d of November last. to be greater than the reality? Is it not upon | the best chart by which we can steer along the this principle, however abused, that the English parliament was formed? Has not this principle been adopted in all the houses of assembly that ever sat upon this continent? Why are we now to deem that unjust, which till now, we universally acknowledged as a certain and beneficial truth? What is called the rotten part of the English constitution-is it not an unequal, and therefore an unjust representation of its territory and wealth? Has not lord Chatham been censured for not having, during his all-powerful administration, attempted to cut off that rotten member from the body politic-an amputation which was thought could scarce fail of being performed when undertaken by the hand of so great a man? Can ingenuity itself find an important distinction between the two cases? In both, the great states on the one hand, and the great counties, cities and boroughs on the other, have less weight; and the small states, counties, cities and boroughs, have more than they ought-such is the point in question. And shall we designedly contract a fatal disease which we know has long been consuming the vital vigor of the English constitution, and is but too likely to destroy it? Shall our wise men persist in endeavoring to create that which it would have been, illustrious as he is, lord Chatham's greatest glory to have endeavored to destroy?—I am hurt by the idea-the contrast fills me with pain and anxiety-however, I do not despair of relief. There is a resolution of the first congress that was held after the British blockade of Boston, from which I have great expectation. It was the first resolve passed by that venerable body; and it is couched in these terms: "Resolved, that, in the determining questions in this congress each colony or province shall have one votethe congress not being possessed of, or at present able to procure proper materials for ascertaining the importance of each colony." Hence, it is evident, what was their idea of a just representation; and I hope it will yet be adopted. The Lycian republic was a confederation of three and twenty towns: The great ones had three voices-the middling two-and the small, one: contributing to the public expense in proportion to their representation. We are to contribute according to our abilities, and why should we not have a weight in proportion to our importance?—If each state must have the same weight, let each contribute the same sum. We are infant states, but we have the wisdom of ages before our eyes. Let us not despise what is invaluable. It is New Hampshire . Rhode Island and Providence Plantations Connecticut Delaware Maryland North Carolina 200,000 820,000 100,000 600,000 . 200,000 270,000 620,000 60,000 520,000 890,000 250,000 500,000 60,000 5,000,000 These states I would class in three divisions. The small ones should be those not, by a complete proportion, exceeding four proportions of the smallest. This class would, for the present contain Georgia, North Carolina, Delaware, New Jersey, New York, Rhode Island and New Hampshire. The middling should be those states, by a complete proportion, exceeding four, and not in the same manner exceeding ten proportions: This class would comprehend South Carolina, Maryland, Pennsylvania and Connecticut. The great states should be ascertained by their exceeding eleven proportions of the smallest: This third class would include | discharged my duty to my constituents-to the Virginia and Massachusetts-Bay. The first state-to the continent-to posterity. I have class should have three delegates to each state no intention to derogate from the dignity or the -the second, six-the third, nine-making a merit of congress: I have zealously supported congress of sixty-nine delegates, who should the one, and I shall ever be ready, gratefully to by a majority determine all questions except pay any tribute of applause to the other. It is those contained in the restrictions, which should my undoubted privilege as a freeman to speak be determined by the voices of the states. The plainly—it is my bounden duty to do so-nor representation of each state be increased or can our supreme rulers, constituted only for lessened in proportion to the aid actually paid; the purpose of preserving to us our civil rights, and this ought to be the barometer of import- be displeased at such a conduct. The occasion ance, stimulating each state to its utmost con- is of the first importance. I meant to speak in tribution. terms of respect: if any thing of a contrary nature escapes me, I am sorry and beg pardon for it-it is not my intention to offend any individual, especially the supreme authority. But, sir, I scarce think the moment is at hand, for the ratification of a confederacy. Rather than adopt the articles before us, I would yet a little longer trust to the ties that now bind America in union. The American confederacy should be the effect of wisdom, not of fear, an act of deliberation, not of hurry. It should be a noble monument attracting the respect of the world and capable of drawing forth the admiration and gratitude of our posterity.-Upon the whole, sir, this is scarce a time to deliberate, but it is certainly a time to act—it is my great aim, that America shall be independent-free illustrious and happy! These sentiments upon the subject of a confederacy, sir, are the result of a few days' reflection, amidst a variety of business, public and private: It is, indeed, not long since the plan from the congress has been received. I am fully sensible, that my ideas, now thrown out, will admit of important amendments, and therefore I do not presume to offer them for consideration. I have taken the liberty to drop them only because it was my duty to do so; and I think, if the states shall be allowed to vote according to their importance, the sketch I have drawn might form a beneficial confederation. I observe the plan before us contains thirteen articles: I can have no objection to a number allusive to the confederacy proposed. My sketch contains ten articles. Nor can I suppose that number will be a matter of difficulty. In collecting the materials, I arranged them under sixteen articles; but in condensing the subject, it accidentally was comprised in ten, although I strove to reach the confederated number. However, the accident instantly made me recollect, that the divine law to man was in ten articles-and that the Roman law was originally written on ten tables. I confess, sir, I was not displeased-I am sure the pious men of antiquity would have considered the accidental ten articles of confederation, as an omen of the beneficial nature of their contents. I may add, the number thirteen may, and we all hope will, cease to be allusive to the existing confederacy: But the number ten will ever allude to the eternal monuments of Divine justice, and human wisdom. Excuse, sir, this excursion to Sinai and Rome, I will return to my proper subject; nor will I detain your attention but a moment. I have now, Mr. Chairman, with profound humility, given my thoughts upon the confederation of the United States. Thoughts intent upon promoting and securing the interests of my native country-thoughts equally solicitous for the grandeur of America.-In delivering them, I trust I have, on that point, fully I cannot now, sir, sit down without expressing to the committee, the concern I feel for having taken up so much of their time as I have. I am sensible long discourses are often heard with impatience. But the stupendous importance of this subject, and my zeal in endeavoring to discharge my duty, will I hope plead in my favor. I beg leave to return my most respectful thanks, for the attention and patience with which I have been heard. DR. RAMSAY'S ORATION. AN ORATION ON THE ADVANTAGES OF BY DAVID RAMSAY, M. B. Huic ego nec metas rerum, nec tempora pono : To the honorable CHRISTOPHER GADS- |