being wholly engaged in recollecting and resenting the mutual expressions of their dislike. When feuds have reached that fatal point, considerations of reason and equity vanish, and a blind fury governs, or rather confounds all things. A people no longer regard their interest, but a gratification of their wrath." We know ourselves subjects of common law to that and the worthy executors of it, let us pay a steady and conscientious regard. Past errors in this point have been written with gall, by the pen of malice. May our future conduct be such as to make even that vile IMP lay her pen aside. The right which imposes duties upon us, is in dispute; but whether they are managed by a surveyor general, a board of commissioners, Turkish Janizaries or Russian Cossacks, let them enjoy during our time of fair trial, the common personal protection of the laws of our constitution. Let us shut our eyes, for the present to their being executors of claims subversive of our rights. Watchful, hawk-eyed jealousy, ever guards the portal of the temple of the goddess liberty. This is known to those who frequent her altars. Our whole conduct therefore, I am sure, will meet with the utmost candor of her votaries: but I am wishing we may be able to convert even her basest apostates. We are slaves until we obtain such redress through the justice of our king, as our happy constitution leads us to expect. In that condition, let us behave with the propriety and dignity of free men and thus exhibit to the world, a new character of a people, which no history describes. May the all-wise and beneficent ruler of the universe preserve our life and health, and prosper all our lawful endeavors in the glorious cause of freedom. That man is formed for social life, is an observation, which, upon our first enquiry, presents itself immediately to our view, and our reason approves that wise and generous principle which actuated the first founders of civil government; an institution which hath its origin in the weakness of individuals, and hath for its end, the strength and security of all: and so long as the means of effecting this important end are thoroughly known, and religiously attended to, government is one of the richest blessings to mankind, and ought to be held in the highest veneration. In young and new formed communities, the grand design of this institution, is most generally understood, and the most strictly regarded; the motives which urged to the social compact, cannot be at once forgotten, and that equality which is remembered to have subsisted so lately among them, prevents those who are clothed with authority from attempting to invade the freedom of their brethren; or if such an attempt is made, it prevents the community from suffering the offender to go unpunished: every member feels it to be his interest and knows it to be his duty, to preserve inviolate the constitution on which the public safety depends, * and he is equally ready to assist the magistrate in the execution of the laws, and the subject in defence of his right; and so long as this noble attachment to a constitution, founded on free and benevolent principles, exists in full vigor, in any state, that state must be flourishing and happy. It was this noble attachment to a free constitution which raised ancient Rome, from the smallest beginnings, to that bright summit of happiness and glory to which she arrived; and it was the loss of this which plunged her from that summit into the black gulph of infamy and slavery. It was this attachment which inspired her senators with wisdom; it was this which glowed in the breast of her heroes; it was this which guarded her liberties and extended her dominions, gave peace at home, and commanded respect abroad: and when this decayed, her magistrates lost their reverence for justice and the laws, and degenerated into tyrants and oppressors-her senators, forgetful of their dignity, and seduced by base corruption, betrayed their country-her soldiers, regardless of their relation to the community, and urged only by the hopes of plunder and rapine, unfeelingly committed the most flagrant enormities; and hired to the trade of voluntate, studio, virtute, voce, consentiunt. * Omnes ordines ad conservandam rempublicam, mente, CICERO. death, with relentless fury, they perpetrated | in the democratic branch, which is the house the most cruel murders, whereby the streets of imperial Rome were drenched with her noblest blood. Thus this empress of the world lost her dominions abroad, and her inhabitants, dissolute in their manners, at length became contented slaves; and she stands to this day, the scorn and derision of nations, and a monument of this eternal truth, that public happiness depends on a virtuous and unshaken attachment to a free constitution. It was this attachment to a constitution, founded on free and benevolent principles, which inspired the first settlers of this countrythey saw with grief the daring outrages committed on the free constitution of their native land-they knew nothing but a civil war could at that time restore its pristine purity. So hard was it to resolve to embrue their hands in the blood of their brethren, that they chose rather to quit their fair possessions and seek another habitation in a distant clime. When they came to this new world, which they fairly purchased of the Indian natives, the only rightful proprietors, they cultivated the then barren soil, by their incessant labor, and defended their dearbought possessions with the fortitude of the christian, and the bravery of the hero. After various struggles, which, during the tyrannic reigns of the house of Stuart, were constantly kept up between right and wrong, between liberty and slavery, the connection between Great Britain and this colony was settled in the reign of king William and queen Mary, by a compact, the conditions of which were expressed in a charter, by which all the liberties and immunities of British subjects, were confided to this province, as fully and as absolutely as they possibly could be by any human instrument which can be devised. And it is undeniably true, that the greatest and most important right of a British subject is, that he shall be governed by no laws but those to which he, either in person or by his representatives hath given his consent: and this I will venture to assert, is the great basis of British freedom: it is interwoven with the constitution; and whenever this is lost, the constitution must be destroyed. of commons in Britain, and the house of representatives here.-The reason is obvious: they and their constituents are to pay much the largest part of it; but as the aristocratic branch, which, in Britain, is the house of lords, and in this province, the council, are also to pay some part, their consent is necessary; and as the monarchic branch, which in Britain is the king, and with us, either the king in person, or the governor whom he shall be pleased to appoint to act in his stead, is supposed to have a just sense of his own interest, which is that of all the subjects in general; his consent is also necessary, and when the consent of these three branches is obtained, the taxation is most certainly legal. Let us now allow ourselves a few moments to examine the late acts of the British parliament for taxing America-Let us with candor judge whether they are constitutionally binding upon us ;-if they are, in the name of justice let us submit to them, without one murmuring word. First, I would ask whether the members of the British house of commons are the democracy of this province ? if they are, they are either the people of this province, or are elected by the people of this province, to represent them, and have therefore a constitutional right to originate a bill for taxing them; it is most certain they are neither; and therefore nothing done by them can be said to be done by the democratic branch of our constitution. I would next ask, whether the lords, who compose the aristocratic branch of the legislature, are peers of America? I never heard it was (even in those extraordinary times) so much as pretended, and if they are not, certainly no act of theirs can be said to be the act of the aristocratic branch of our constitution. The power of the monarchic branch we, with pleasure, acknowledge resides in the king, who may act either in person or by his representative; and I freely confess that I can see no reason why a proclamation for raising in America issued by the king's sole authority would not be equally consistent with our own constitution, and therefore equally binding upon us with the late acts of the British parliament for taxing us; for it is plain, that if there is any validity in those acts, it must arise alto The British constitution (of which ours is a copy) is a happy compound of the three forms (under some of which all governments may be ranged) viz., monarchy, aristocracy, and de-gether from the monarchical branch of the mocracy; of these three the British legislature is composed, and without the consent of each branch, nothing can carry with it the force of a law; but when a law is to be passed for raising a tax, that law can originate only legislature; and I further think that it would be at least as equitable; for I do not conceive it to be of the least importance to us by whom our property is taken away, so long as it is taken without our consent; and I am very much at a loss to know by what figure of rhe- | flourishing states; some of which have now toric, the inhabitants of this province can be called free subjects, when they are obliged to obey implicitly, such laws as are made for them by men three thousand miles off, whom they know not, and whom they never empowered to act for them, or how they can be said to have property, when a body of men, over whom they have not the least control, and who are not in any way accountable to them, shall oblige them to deliver up any part, or the whole of their substance without even asking their consent: and yet whoever pretends that the late acts of the British parliament for taxing America ought to be deemed binding upon us, must admit at once that we are absolute slaves, and have no property of our own; or else that we may be freemen, and at the same time under a necessity of obeying the arbitrary commands of those over whom we have no control or influence, and that we may have property of our own, which is entirely at the disposal of another. Such gross absurdities, I believe will not be relished in this enlightened age: and it can be no matter of wonder that the people quickly perceived, and seriously complained of the inroads which these acts must unavoidably make upon their liberty, and of the hazard to which their whole property is by them exposed; for, if they may be taxed without their consent, even in the smallest trifle, they may also, without their consent, be deprived of every thing they possess, although never so valuable, never so dear. Certainly it never entered the hearts of our ancestors, that after so many dangers in this then desolate wilderness, their hard-earned property should be at the disposal of the British parliament; and as it was soon found that this taxation could not be supported by reason and argument, it seemed necessary that one act of oppression should be enforced by another, and therefore, contrary to our just rights as possessing, or at least having a just title to possess, all the liberties and immunities of British subjects, a standing army was established among us in time of peace; and evidently for the purpose of effecting that, which it was one principal design of the founders of the constitution to prevent, (when they declared a standing army in a time of peace to be against law) namely, for the enforcement of obedience to acts which, upon fair examination, appeared to be unjust and unconstitutional. The ruinous consequences of standing armies to free communities may be seen in the histories of Syracuse, Rome, and many other once scarce a name! their baneful influence is most suddenly felt, when they are placed in populous cities; for, by a corruption of morals, the public happiness is immediately affected! and that this is one of the effects of quartering troops in a populous city, is a truth, to which many a mourning parent, many a lost, despairing child in this metropolis must bear a very melancholy testimony. Soldiers are also taught to consider arms as the only arbiters by which every dispute is to be decided between contending states; they are instructed implicitly to obey their commanders, without enquiring into the justice of the cause they are engaged to support; hence it is, that they are ever to be dreaded as the ready engines of tyranny and oppression. And it is too observable that they are prone to introduce the same mode of decision in the disputes of individuals, and from thence have often arisen great animosities between them and the inhabitants, who, whilst in a naked, defenceless state, are frequently insulted and abused by an armed soldiery. And this will be more especially the case, when the troops are informed that the intention of their being stationed in any city is to overawe the inhabitants. That this was the avowed design of stationing an armed force in this town is sufficiently known; and we, my fellow citizens, have seen, we have felt the tragical effects! -The fatal fifth of March, 1770, can never be forgotten-The horrors of that dreadful night are but too deeply impressed on our hearts-Language is too feeble to paint the emotion of our souls, when our streets were stained with the blood of our brethren-when our ears were wounded by the groans of the dying, and our eyes were tormented with the sight of the mangled bodies of the dead.-When our alarmed imagination presented to our view our houses wrapt in flames, our children subjected to the barbarous caprice of the raging soldiery,—our beauteous virgins exposed to all the insolence of unbridled passion,-our virtuous wives, endeared to us by every tender tie, falling a sacrifice to worse than brutal violence, and perhaps like the famed Lucretia, distracted with anguish and despair, ending their wretched lives by their own fair hands. When we beheld the authors of our distress parading in our streets, or drawn up in a regular battalia, as though in a hostile city, our hearts beat to arms; we snatched our weapons, almost resolved, by one decisive stroke, to avenge the death of our slaughtered brethren, and to secure from future danger, all that we held most dear: but - propitious heaven forbade the bloody carnage, | striking proofs of the advantages derived to her and saved the threatened victims of our too from her commerce with the colonies; and it is keen resentment, not by their discipline, not by our earnest desire that she may still continue their regular array,-no, it was royal George's to enjoy the same emoluments, until her streets livery that proved their shield-it was that are paved with American gold; only, let us which turned the pointed engines of destruc- have the pleasure of calling it our own, whilst tion from their breasts.* The thoughts of it is in our own hands; but this it seems is too vengeance were soon buried in our inbred great a favor-we are to be governed by the affection to Great Britain, and calm reason absolute command of others; our property is dictated a method of removing the troops more to be taken away without our consent—if we mild than an immediate resource to the sword. complain, our complaints are treated with conWith united efforts you urged the immediate tempt; if we assert our rights, that assertion departure of the troops from the town-you is deemed insolence; if we humbly offer to urged it, with a resolution which ensured suc- submit the matter to the impartial decision of cess- -you obtained your wishes, and the reason, the sword is judged the most proper removal of the troops was effected, with- argument to silence our murmurs! but this canout one drop of their blood being shed by not long be the case-surely the British nation the inhabitants. will not suffer the reputation of their justice and their honor, to be thus sported away by a capricious ministry; no, they will in a short time open their eyes to their true interest: they nourish in their own breasts, a noble love of liberty; they hold her dear, and they know that all who have once possessed her charms, had rather die than suffer her to be torn from their embraces-they are also sensible that Britain is so deeply interested in the prosperity of the colonies that she must eventually feel every wound given to their freedom; they cannot be ignorant that more dependence may be placed on the affections of a brother, than on the forced service of a slave; they must approve your efforts for the preservation of your rights; from a sympathy of soul they must pray for your success: and I doubt not but they will, ere long, exert themselves effectually, to redress your grievances. Even in the dissolute reign of king Charles II. when the house of commons impeached the earl of Clarendon of high treason, the first article on which they founded their accusation was, that "he had designed a standing army to be raised, and to govern the kingdom thereby." And the eighth article was, that "he had introduced an arbitrary government into his majesty's plantation." A terrifying example to those who are now forging chains for this country. The immediate actors in the tragedy of that night, were surrendered to justice. It is not mine to say how far they were guilty? they have been tried by the country and acquitted of murder! and they are not to be again arraigned at an earthly bar; but, surely the men who have promiscuously scattered death amidst the innocent inhabitants of a populous city, ought to see well to it, that they be prepared to stand at the bar of an omniscient judge! and all who contrived or encouraged the stationing troops in this place have reasons of eternal importance, to reflect with deep contrition, on their base designs, and humbly to repent of their impious machinations. The infatuation which hath seemed, for a number of years, to prevail in the British councils, with regard to us, is truly astonishing! what can be proposed by the repeated attacks made upon our freedom, I really cannot surmise; even leaving justice and humanity out of question. I do not know one single advantage which can arise to the British nation, from our being enslaved :-I know not of any gains, which can be wrung from us by oppression, which they may not obtain from us by our own consent, in the smooth channel of commerce: we wish the wealth and prosperity of Britain; we contribute largely to both. Doth what we contribute lose all its value, because it is done voluntarily? the amazing increase of riches to Britain, the great rise of the value of her lands, the flourishing state of her navy, are You have, my friends and countrymen, frustrated the designs of your enemies, by your unanimity and fortitude: it was your union and determined spirit which expelled those troops, who polluted your streets with innocent blood. You have appointed this anniversary as a standard memorial of the bloody consequences of placing an armed force in a I have the strongest reason to believe that I have mentioned the only circumstance which saved the troops from destruction. It was then, and now is, the opinion of those who were best acquainted with the state of affairs at that time, that had thrice that number of troops, belong-populous city, and of your deliverance from ing to any power at open war with us, been in this town, in the same exposed condition, scarce a man would have lived to have seen the morning light. the dangers which then seemed to hang over your heads; and I am confident that you never will betray the least want of spirit when | you, from your souls, despise the most gaudy called upon to guard your freedom. None but dress that slavery can wear; if you really prethey who set a just value upon the blessings fer the lonely cottage (whilst blest with libof liberty are worthy to enjoy her-your illus- erty) to gilded palaces, surrounded with the trious fathers were her zealous votaries-when ensigns of slavery, you may have the fullest the blasting frowns of tyranny drove her from assurance that tyranny, with her whole acpublic view, they clasped her in their arms, cursed train, will hide their hideous heads in they cherished her in their generous bosoms, confusion, shame, and despair-if you perform they brought her safe over the rough ocean, your part, you must have the strongest confiand fixed her seat in this then dreary wilder- dence that the same Almighty Being who ness; they nursed her infant age with the protected your pious and venerable foremost tender care; for her sake they patiently | fathers—who enabled them to turn a barren bore the severest hardships; for her support, wilderness into a fruitful field, who so often they underwent the most rugged toils; in her de- made bare his arm for their salvation, will still fence they boldly encountered the most alarm- be mindful of you, their offspring. ing dangers: neither the ravenous beasts that ranged the woods for prey, nor the more furious savages of the wilderness, could damp ardor !-Whilst with one hand they broke the stubborn glebe, with the other they grasped their weapons, ever ready to protect her from danger. No sacrifice, not even their own blood, was esteemed too rich a libation for her altar! God prospered their valor; they preserved her brilliancy unsullied; they enjoyed her whilst they lived, and dying, bequeathed the dear inheritance to your care. And as they left you this glorious legacy, they have undoubtedly ORATION DELIVERED AT BOSTON, MARCH transmitted to you some portion of their noble spirit, to inspire you with virtue to merit her, and courage to preserve her: you surely cannot, with such examples before your eyes, as every page of the history of this country affords,* suffer your liberties to be ravished from you by lawless force, or cajoled away by flattery and fraud. The voice of your fathers' blood cries to you from the ground, my sons scorn to be slaves in vain we met the frowns of tyrants -in vain we crossed the boisterous ocean, found a new world, and prepared it for the ⚫happy residence of liberty-in vain we toiled -in vain we fought-we bled in vain, if you, our offspring, want valor to repel the assaults of her invaders!- -Stain not the glory of your worthy ancestors, but like them resolve, never to part with your birth-right; be wise in your deliberations, and determined in your exertions for the preservation of your liberties. Follow not the dictates of passion, but enlist yourselves under the sacred banner of reason; use every method in your power to secure your rights; at least prevent the curses of posterity from being heaped upon your memories. If you, with united zeal and fortitude, oppose the torrent of oppression; if you feel the true fire of patriotism burning in your breasts: if At simul heroum laudes, et facta parentis May this Almighty Being graciously preside in all our councils. May he direct us to such measures as he himself shall approve, and be pleased to bless. May we ever be a people favored of God. May our land be a land of liberty, the seat of virtue, the asylum of the oppressed, a name and a praise in the whole earth, until the last shock of time shall bury the empires of the world in one common undistinguished ruin! 5, 1775. BY DR. JOSEPH WARREN. My ever Honored Fellow-Citizens. HOR. EPIS. It is not without the most humiliating conviction of my want of ability that I now appear before you: but the sense I have of the obligation I am under to obey the calls of my country at all times, together with an animating recollection of your indulgence, exhibited upon so many occasions, has induced me, once more, undeserving as I am, to throw myself upon that candor, which looks with kindness on the feeblest efforts of an honest mind, You will not now expect the elegance, the learning, the fire, the enrapturing strains of eloquence which charmed you when a Lovell, a Church, or a Hancock spake; but you will permit me to say that with a sincerity equal to theirs, I mourn over my bleeding country: With them I weep at her distress, and with them deeply resent the many injuries she has received from the hands of cruel and unreasonable men. That personal freedom is the natural right of |