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you the original letters, in my hand writing, | and mention their dates; by this means I shall whenever you will do me the honor of a visit know if any of mine miscarry. to Quincy. In those days, my principal correspondent was my wife, who was then surrounded by many of the principal politicians of the age, such as general James Warren, of Plymouth, and his lady; Dr. Cotton Tufts, of Weymouth; my brother Richard Cranch, of Braintree, and gen. Joseph Palmer, of Germantown, and many others, who were constantly enquiring of her the news from congress. Whatever related merely to public affairs, she read to them, or suffered them to read.

I am, sir, with perfect esteem and sincere affection, your friend and humble servant, JOHN ADAMS.

Judge DAWES.

JOHN ADAMS TO MRS. ADAMS. PHILADELPHIA, July 3, [morning] 1776. Your favor of June 17, dated at Plymouth, was handed me yesterday by the post. I was much pleased to find that you had taken a journey to Plymouth to see your friends, in the long absence of one whom you may wish to see. The excursion will be an amusement, and will serve your health. How happy would it have made me to have taken this journey with you!

I was informed, a day or two before the receipt of your letter, that you were gone to Plymouth, by Miss P., who was obliging enough to inform me, in your absence, of the particulars of the expedition to the Lower Harbor, against the men of war.-Her narration is executed with a precision and perspicuity which would have become the pen of an accomplished historian.

I am very glad you had so good an opportunity of seeing one of our little American men of war. Many ideas, new to you, must have presented themselves in such a scene; and you will in future better understand the relations of a sea engagement.

I rejoice extremely in Dr. Bulfinch's petition for leave to open an Hospital. But I hope the business will be done upon a larger scale. I hope that one Hospital will be licensed in every county, if not in every town. I am happy to find you resolved to be with the children in the first class. Mr. W. and Mrs. Q. are cleverly through innoculation in this city.

The information you give me of our friend's refusing his appointment, has given me much pain, grief, and anxiety. I believe I shall be obliged to follow his example. I have not fortune enough to support my family, and, what is of more importance, to support the dignity of that exalted station.* It is too high and lifted up for me, who delight in nothing so much as retreat, solitude, silence, and obscu| rity. In private life, no one has a right to censure me for following my own inclinations in retirement, in simplicity and frugality; but in public life every man has a right to remark as he pleases; at least he thinks so.

Yesterday the greatest question was decided which ever was debated in America; and a greater, perhaps, never was or will be decided among men. A resolution was passed, without one dissenting colony :

That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states; and, as free and independent states, they have, and of right ought to have, full power to make war, conclude peace, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which other states may rightfully do."

You will see, in a few days, a declaration, setting forth the causes which have impelled us to this revolution, and the reasons which will justify it in the sight of God and man. A plan of confederation will be taken up in a few days.

When I look back to the year 1761, and recollect the argument concerning writs of assistance, in the superior court, which I have hitherto considered as the commencement of the controversy between Great Britain and America, and run through the whole period from that time to this, and recollect the series of political events, the chain of causes and effects, I am surprised at the suddenness as well as greatness of this revolution.

Britain has been filled with folly, and America with wisdom; at least this is my judgment— time must determine. It is the will of Heaven that the two countries should be sundered forever. It may be the will of Heaven that America shall suffer calamities still more wasting, and distresses still more dreadful. If this is to be the case, it will have this good effect at least, it will inspire us with many virtues which we have not, and correct many errors, follies, and vices, which threaten to disturb,

I have one favor to ask, and that is, that in your future letters you would acknowledge the chusetts, to which Mr. Adams had been appointed, but

receipt of all those you may receive from me,

Office of chief justice of the superior court of Massawhich he declined, preferring his seat in the old congress, to which he had been re-elected. T.D.

dishonor, and destroy us. The furnace of | completed our destruction. It is a frown of affliction produces refinement in states as well Providence upon us, which we ought to lay to as individuals. And the new governments we heart. are assuming in every part, will require a purification from our vices, and an augmentation of our virtues, or they will be no blessings. The people will have unbounded power; and the people are extremely addicted to corruption and venality, as well as the great. I am not without apprehensions from this quarter; but I must submit all my hopes and fears to an over ruling Providence, in which, unfashionable as it may be, I firmly believe.

JOHN ADAMS.

JOHN ADAMS TO MRS. ADAMS. PHILADELPHIA, July 3 [evening] 1776.

Had a declaration of independence been made seven months ago, it would have been attended with many great and glorious effects. We might, before this hour, have formed alliance with foreign states. We should have mastered Quebec, and been in possession of Canada.

You will, perhaps, wonder how such a declaration would have influenced our affairs in Canada; but, if I could write with freedom, I could easily convince you that it would, and explain to you the manner how. Many gentlemen in high stations, and of great influence, have been duped, by the ministerial bubble of commissioners, to treat; and, in real, sincere expectation of this event, which they so fondly wished, they have been slow and languid in promoting measures for the reduction of that province. Others there are in the colonies, who really wished that our enterprise in Canada would be defeated; that the colonies might be brought into danger and distress between two fires, and be thus induced to submit. Others really wished to defeat the expedition to Canada, lest the conquest of it should elevate the minds of the people too much to hearken to those terms of reconcilation which they believed would be offered us. These jarring views, wishes, and designs, occasioned an opposition to many salutary measures which were proposed for the support of that expedition, and caused obstructions, embarrassments, and studied delays, which have finally lost us the province.

But, on the other hand, the delay of this declaration to this time has many great advantages attending it. The hopes of reconciliation which were fondly entertained by multitudes of honest and well meaning, though shortsighted and mistaken people, have been gradually, and at last totally, extinguished. Time has been given for the whole people maturely to consider the great question of independence, and to ripen their judgment, dissipate their fears, and allure their hopes, by discussing it in newspapers and pamphlets-by debating it in assemblies, conventions, committees of safety and inspection-in town and county meetings, as well as in private conversations; so that the whole people, in every colony, have now adopted it as their own act. This will cement the union, and avoid those heats, and perhaps convulsions, which might have been occasioned by such a declaration six months ago.

But the day is past. The second day of July, 1776, will be a memorable epocha in the history of America. I am apt to believe that it will be celebrated by succeeding generations, as the great Anniversary Festival. It ought to be commemorated, as the day of deliverance by solemn acts of devotion to God Almighty. It ought to be solemnized with pomp, shews, games, sports, guns, bells, bonfires and illuminations, from one end of the continent to the other, from this time forward forever.

You will think me transported with enthusiasm; but I am not. I am well aware of the toil, and blood, and treasure, that it will cost us to maintain this declaration, and support and defend these states. Yet, through all the gloom, I can see the rays of light and glory; I can see that the end is more than worth all the means, and that posterity will triumph, although you and I may rue, which I hope we shall not. JOHN ADAMS.

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Several of the volumes of the Weekly Register, are enriched by the correspondence of Mr. Adams. His letters to the editor, enclosing his communications to Mr. Wirt, (the All these causes, however, in conjunction, elegant author of the Sketches" of the fawould not have disappointed us, if it had not mous Patrick Henry, of Virginia) inserted in been for a misfortune which could not have the 14th vol. page 257, et seq., are highly inbeen foreseen, and perhaps could not have been teresting. Mr. Wirt has claimed for Mr. Henry prevented-I mean the prevalence of the small- the declaration "we must fight," which Mr. pox among our troops. This fatal pestilence | Adams says was derived from a letter which

he himself had shewn to Mr. Henry, written by Major Hawley, of Northampton, Mass., in 1774. The following, as connected with this subject, cannot fail of exciting the most pleasant feelings in those who delight to trace the first dawnings of our glorious revolution.

EXTRACT

EDITOR.

OF A LETTER FROM PRESIDENT ADAMS TO H. NILES, QUINCY, FEB. 5, 1819.

But it is of infinite consequence that victory be the end and issue of hostilities. If we get to fighting before necessary dispositions are made for it, we shall be conquered, and all will be lost forever.

While

A certain clear plan, for a constant, adequate and lasting supply of arms and military stores, must be devised and fully contemplated. This is the main thing. This, I think, ought to be a capital branch of the business of congressto wit: to devise and settle such a plan; at least, clearly to investigate how such supplies can be extensively had in case of need. this is effecting-to wit: while the continent is providing themselves with arms and military stores, and establishing a method for a sure This is the original paper that I read to and unfailing and constant supply, I conceive Patrick Henry in the fall of the year 1774, we had best to negotiate with Britain. If she which produced his rapturous burst of appro-will cede our rights and restore our liberties bation, and solemn asseveration "I AM OF all is well-every good man will rejoice: if she THAT MAN'S MIND."

Dear Sir,-I enclose you the "broken hints to be communicated to the committee of congress for the Massachusetts," by Major Joseph Hawley, of Northampton.

I pray you to send it back to me. I would not exchange this original for the show book of Harvard college, and printed it shall be at my own expense in a hand-bill."

Broken Hints to be communicated to the Committee of Congress for the Massachusetts. "We must fight, if we can't otherwise rid❘ ourselves of British taxation, all revenues, and the constitution or form of government enacted for us by the British parliament. It is evil against right-utterly intolerable to every man who has any idea or feeling of right or liberty.

It is easy to demonstrate that the regulation act will soon annihilate every thing of value in the charter, introduce perfect despotism, and render the house of representatives a mere form and ministerial engine.

It is now or never, that we must assert our liberty. Twenty years will make the number of tories on this continent equal to the number of whigs. They who shall be born will not have any idea of a free government.

It will necessarily be a question, whether the new government of this province shall be suffered to take place at all,-or whether it shall be immediately withstood and resisted?

A most important question this-I humbly conceive it not best forcibly or wholly to resist it, immediately.

There is not heat enough yet for battle. Constant, and a sort of negative resistance of government, will increase the heat and blow the fire. There is not military skill enough. That is improving, and must be encouraged and improved, but will daily increase.

Fight we must finally, unless Britain retreats.

will not agree to relinquish and abolish all American revenues, under every pretence and name, and all pretensions to order and regulate our internal policy and constitution-then, if we have got any constant and sufficient supply of military stores, it will be time to take our arms. I can't quit this head-it ought to be immediately and most seriously attended to. It can't be any other than madness to commence hostilities before we have established resources on a sure plan for certain and effectual military supplies. Men, in that case, will not be wanting.

But what considerate man will ever consent to take arms and go to war, where he has no reasonable assurance but that all must be given over and he fall a prey to the enemy, for want of military stores and ammunition, in a few weeks?

Either an effectual non-consumption agreement or resistance of the new government will bring on hostilities very soon.

1. As to a non-consumption agreement-it appears to me that ought to be taken for certain truth, that no plan of importation or consumption of tea, British goods in general, or enumerated articles, which is to rest and depend on the virtue of all the individuals, will succeed; but must certainly prove abortive.

The ministry may justly call such a plan futile-futile it will turn out. A plan of that sort may safely rest and be founded on the virtue of the majority: but then the majority, by the plan, must be directed to control the minority, which implies force. The plan, therefore, must direct and prescribe how that force shall be exercised.

Those, again, who exercise that force, under

the direction and by order of the majority, must | paid for, unless we are assured that by so doing, by that majority be defended and indemnified. Dispositions must therefore necessarily be made to resist or overcome that force which will be brought against you—which will directly produce war and bloodshed.

From thence it follows, that any other nonconsumption or non-importation plan, which is not perfectly futile and ridiculous, implies hostilities and war.

2. As to the resistance of the new government, that also implies war: for in order to resist and prevent the effect of the new government, it is indispensably necessary that the charter government, or some other, must be maintained-constitutionally exercised and

supported.

our rights will be restored and peace obtained? What future measures is the continent to preserve with regard to imported dutied tea, whether it comes as East India property or otherwise, under the pretence and lie that the tea is imported from Holland, and the goods imported before a certain given day? Dutied tea will be imported and consumed-goods continue to be imported-your non-importation agreement eluded, rendered contemptible and ridiculous-unless all teas used, and all goods, are taken into some public custody which will be inviolably faithful.”

[The foregoing is a literal copy of the venerable paper before me, except its frequent abbreviations of the and that, with the addition only of a few commas, etc. to make it read.]

The people will have some government or other-they will be drawn in by a seeming mild and just administration, which will last awhile; legislation and executive justice must go on in some form or other, and we may ADDRESS OF THE PROVINCIAL CONdepend on it they will, therefore the new government will take effect until the old is restored.

The old cannot be restored until the council take on them the administration, call assemblies, constitute courts, make sheriffs, etc. The council will not attempt this without good assurance of protection. This protection can't be given without hostilities.

GRESS

TO THE INHABITANTS OF THE TOWNS AND DISTRICTS OF MASSACHUSETTS-BAY, DECEMBER 4, 1774.

Friends and brethren:

At a time when the good people of this colony were deprived of their laws, and the

Our salvation depends upon an established administration of justice; when the cruel oppersevering union of the colonies.

The tools of administration are using every device and effort to destroy that union, and will certainly continue so to do

Thereupon, all possible devices and endeavors must be used to establish, improve, brighten and maintain such union.

Every grievance of any one colony must be held and considered by the whole as a grievance to the whole, and must operate on the whole as a grievance to the whole. This will be a difficult matter to effect: but it must be done.

Quere, therefore-whether is it not absolutely necessary that some plan be settled for a continuation of congresses?-But here we must be aware that congresses will soon be declared and enacted by parliament to be high treason.

Is the India company to be compensated or not?

If to be compensated-each colony to pay the particular damage she has done, or is an average to be made on the continent?

The destruction of the tea was not unjust therefore to what good purpose is the tea to be

pressions brought on their capital had stagnated almost all their commerce; when a standing army was illegally posted among us, for the express purpose of enforcing submission to a system of tyranny; and when the general court was, with the same design, prohibited to sit; we were chosen, and empowered by you, to assemble and consult upon measures necessary for our common safety and defence. With much anxiety for the common welfare, we have attended this service, and upon the coolest deliberation, have adopted the measures recommended to you.

We have still confidence in the wisdom, justice, and goodness of our sovereign, as well as in the integrity, humanity, and good sense of the nation. And, if we had a reasonable expectation that the truth of facts would be made known in England, we should entertain the most pleasing hopes, that the measures concerted by the colonies, jointly and severally, would procure a full redress of our grievances: but we are constrained in justice to you, to ourselves, and to posterity, to say, that the incessant and unrelenting malice of our enemies has been so successful, as to fill the court and

Your

the prejudice of other communities. provincial congresses, we have reason to hope, will hold up the towns, if any should be so lost, as not to act their parts; and none can doubt, that the continental congress will rectify errors, should any take place, in any colony, through the subtilty of our enemies. Surely, no arguments can be necessary to excite you to the most strict adherence to the American association, since the minutest deviation in one colony, especially in this, will probably be misrepre

kingdom of Great Britain with falsehood and calumnies concerning us, and excite the most bitter and groundless prejudices against us; that the sudden dissolution of parliament, and the hasty summons for a new election, gives us reason to apprehend that a majority of the house of commons will be again elected, under the influence of an arbitrary ministry; and that the general tenor of our intelligence from Great Britain, with the frequent reinforcements of the army and navy at Boston, excites the strongest jealousy, that the system of colony administra-sented in the others, to discourage their general tion, so unfriendly to the protestant religion, and destructive of American liberty, is still to be pursued, and attempted with force, to be carried into execution.

You are placed, by Providence, in a post of honor, because it is a post of danger; and while struggling for the noblest objects, the liberties of our country, the happiness of posterity, and rights of human nature, the eyes, not only of North America and the whole British empire, but of all Europe, are upon you. Let us be, therefore, altogether solicitous that no disorderly behavior, nothing unbecoming our character, as Americans, as citizens, and Christians, be justly chargeable to us.

Whoever, with a small degree of attention, contemplates the commerce between Great Britain and America, will be convinced that a total stoppage thereof will soon produce, in Great Britain, such dangerous effects, as cannot fail to convince the ministry, the parliament, and people, that it is their interest and duty to grant us relief. Whoever considers the number of brave men inhabiting North America, well know, that a general attention to military discipline must so establish their rights and liberties as, under God, to render it impossible for an arbitrary minister of Britain to destroy them. These are facts, which our enemies are apprised of, and if they will not be influenced by principles of justice, to alter their cruel measures towards America, these ought to lead them thereto. They, however, hope to effect by stratagem what they may not obtain by power, and are using arts, by the assistance of base scribblers, who undoubtedly receive their bribes, and by many other means, to raise doubts and divisions throughout the colonies.

zeal and perseverance, which, however, we assure ourselves, cannot be effected.

While the British ministry are suffered, with a high hand, to tyrannize over America, no part of it, we presume, can be negligent in guarding against the ravages threatened by the standing army, now in Boston; these troops will, undoubtedly, be employed in attempts to defeat the association which our enemies cannot but fear will eventually defeat them; and, so sanguinary are those our enemies, as we have reason to think, so thirsty for the blood of this innocent people, who are only contending for their rights, that we should be guilty of the most unpardonable neglect, should we not apprise you of your danger, which appears to us imminently great, and ought attentively to be guarded against. The improvement of the militia in general, in the military art, has been therefore thought necessary, and strongly recommended by this congress. We now think, that particular care should be taken by the towns and districts in this colony, that each of the minute men, not already provided therewith, should be immediately equipped with an effective fire-arm, bayonet, pouch, knapsack, thirty rounds of cartridges and ball, and that they be disciplined three times a week, and oftener, as opportunity may offer.

To encourage these, our worthy countrymen, to obtain the skill of complete soldiers, we recommend it to the towns, and districts, forthwith to pay their own minute men a reasonable consideration for their services; and, in case of a general muster, their further services must be recompensed by the province. An attention to discipline in the militia, in general, is, however, by no means to be neglected.

With the utmost cheerfulness, we assure you of our determination to stand or fall with the liberties of America; and while we humbly im

To defeat their wicked designs, we think it necessary for each town to be particularly careful, strictly to execute the plans of the conti-plore the Sovereign Disposer of all things, to nental and provincial congress; and, while it censures its own individuals counteracting those plans, that it be not deceived, or diverted from its duty, by rumors, should any take place, to

whose Divine Providence the rights of his creatures cannot be indifferent, to correct the errors and alter the measures of an infatuated ministry, we cannot doubt of his support, even

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