justice in the colony, are manifestly designed | they would not be impanelled, becomes highly to abridge this people of their rights, and to interesting: license murders: and, if carried into execution, will reduce them to slavery. The number of troops in the capital, increased by daily accessions drawn from the whole continent, together with the formidable and hostile preparations which you are now making on Boston Neck, in our opinion, greatly endanger the lives, liberties, and property, not only of our brethren in the town of Boston, but of this province in general. Permit us to ask your excellency, whether an inattentive and unconcerned acquiescence to such alarming, such menacing measures, would not evidence a state of insanity? Or, whether the delaying to take every possible precaution for the security of this province, would not be the most criminal neglect in a people, heretofore rigidly and justly tenacious of their constituted rights? County of Suffolk, BOSTON, Aug. 30, 1774. We, who are returned by the several towns in this county, to serve as grand jurors at the superior court for this present term, being actuated by a zealous regard for peace and good order, and a sincere desire to promote justice, righteousness and good government, as being essential to the happiness of the community, would now most gladly proceed to the discharge of the important duty required in that department, could we persuade ourselves that, by doing thus, it would add to our own reputation, or promote the welfare of our country. But when we consider the dangerous inroads that have been made upon our civil constitution, the violent attempts now making to alter and annul the most essential parts of our charter, granted by the most solemn faith of kings, and repeatedly recognized by British kings and parliaments; while we see the open and avowed design of establishing the most complete system of despotism in this province, and thereby reducing the freeborn inhabitants thereof to the most abject state of slavery and bondage; we feel ourselves necessarily reasons that we are ready to offer to the court, if permitted, which are as follows: Penetrated with the most poignant concern, and ardently solicitous to preserve union and harmony between Great Britain and the colonies, necessary to the well being of both, we entreat your excellency to remove that brand of contention, the fortress at the entrance of Boston. We are much concerned that you should have been induced to construct it, and thereby causelessly excite such a spirit of resent-constrained to decline being impanelled, for ment and indignation, as now generally prevails. We assure you, that the good people of this colony never have had the least intention to do any injury to his majesty's troops; but on the contrary, most earnestly desire, that every obstacle to treating them as fellow subjects may be immediately removed: but are constrained to tell your excellency, that the minds of the people will never be relieved, till those hostile works are demolished. And we request you, as you regard his majesty's honor and interest, the dignity, and happiness of the empire, and the peace and welfare of this province, that you immediately desist from the fortress, now constructing at the south entrance into the town of Boston, and restore the pass to its natural state. AN HONEST JURY. The refusal of certain gentlemen, returned to serve as grand jurors for Boston, or Suffolk county, in 1774, being frequently alluded to, the following, which shews the reasons why appointed others, commonly called mandamus counsellors; being wholly independent of the people and holding their office of the crown, they were likely to be fit instruments of oppression and tyranny. Ist. Because Peter Oliver, esq., who sits as chief judge of this court, has been charged with high crimes and misdemeanors, by the late honorable house of representatives, the grand inquest of this province; of which charge he has never been legally acquitted, but has been declared by that house, unqualified to act as judge of this court. 2d. Because, by a late act of the British parliament, for altering the constitution of this province, the continuance of the present judges of this court, as well as the appointment of others, from the 1st of July last, is made to depend solely on the king's pleasure, vastly different from the tenure of the British judges; and as we apprehend they now hold their places, only in consequence of that act, all the judicial proceedings of the court will be taken as concessions to the validity of the same, to which we dare not assent. 3d. Because three of the judges, being the major part of the court, namely, the said Peter Oliver, esq. Foster Hutchinson, esq. and William Brown, esq. by taking the oath of counsellors under authority of the aforementioned act, are (as we are informed) sworn to carry into execution all the late grievous acts of the British parliament, among the last of which, is one, made ostensively for the impartial administration of justice in this province, but, as we fear, really for the impunity of such persons as shall, under pretext of executing those acts, murder any of the inhabitants thoreof, which acts appear to us to be utterly repugnant to every idea of justice and common humanity, and are justly complained of, throughout America, as highly injurious and oppressive to the good people of this province, and manifestly destructive of their natural as well as constitutional rights. 4th. Because we believe, in our consciences, that our acting in concert with a court so constituted, and under such circumstances, would be so far betraying the just and sacred rights of our native land, which were not the gift of kings, but were purchased solely with the toil, the blood, and treasure, of our worthy and revered ancestors, and which we look upon ourselves under the most sacred obligations to maintain, and to transmit the same, whole and entire to our posterity. Therefore, we, the subscribers, unanimously decline serving as grand jurors at this court. CORRESPONDENCE OF JOHN ADAMS. Second President of the United States. Letters written to him by distinguished persons in the years 1774, 1775, and 1776, together with Letters from him to various persons. From JOHN TRUMBULL, ESQ. to JOHN ADAMS, dated Boston, Aug. 20, 1774. [Extracts.] In the county of Worcester, the people, at a general meeting, have resolved that no court shall be held there, according to the new regulation of juries, and that judge Oliver shall not take his seat. Upon a report that a regiment would be sent to protect the court, they declared that they were ready to meet it. It is to be hoped, however, that no violent measures will be taken, till the sense of the whole continent is known; as the people have great dependence upon the determinations of congress, and expect them to chalk out the line for their conduct. As to the soldiers here, they are no more feared than if they were the troops of Lilliput. Indeed, they are much more disposed to flight than combat, and have more inclination to desert to us than to fight us—above two hundred having already left them. To put a stop to these frequent desertions, the officers are obliged to treat them with great severity-death or 1000 lashes, is the only choice offered to those who are retaken. There is a humorous story told about town of one of the deserters, though I cannot say it is absolutely to be depended upon as a fact: a soldier, whose name is Patrick, deserted sometime ago and settled in a country town at some distance, and there undertook to instruct a company of about fifty men in military exercises. A sergeant and eight men were sent to apprehend deserters, got intelligence of him, and agreed with a countryman, for a couple of guineas, to conduct them to him. Patrick, it seems, was at that time exercising his company; however, being called by the sergeant and his men, he immediately came up to them. The sergeant demanded what he did there, told him he was his prisoner, and ordered him to return and join his regiment. Sir, said Patrick, I beg your pardon, but I don't think it possible for me to obey you at present. The sergeant repeated his orders in a very peremptory style. Patrick still assured him of the great improbability of his being able to comply with the command; but told him, as it was not absolutely certain, he would see what could be done about it. You must know, said he, that we determine every thing here by a vote-and turning to his company, which had by this time come up,-gentlemen, says he, if it be your mind that I should leave the town and return to my regiment, please to manifest it. Not a single hand appeared in favor of the motion. He then desired that those who were contrary-minded should manifest it, which passed nem. con. The sergeant and his men, finding themselves in so small a minority, and seeing it in vain to oppose the general voice of the meeting, were about to return again in peace, when one or two of his men were desirous to have it put to vote whether they should not stay also. Patrick, as moderator, immediately put the question, which it was not difficult to carry in such an assembly, and the sergeant, knowing it vain to resist. returned with six men to his regiment. From J. PALMER, ESQ., dated at Boston, Sept. | sure to disable us to secure ourselves by and 14, 1774, to JOHN ADAMS, ESQ., at Philadelphia. [Extracts.] The spirit of liberty is amazingly increased, so that there is scarce a tory and hardly a neutral to be found in the country. This province seems ripe for a more popular government, if not restrained by congress, who will doubtless give all the encouragement to all that the good of the whole will admit of. Some talk of resuming our first charter, others of absolute independency. Our eye is to the congress—may wisdom direct your every step. -You will see that our government has told us, that the refusing submission to the late acts of parliament is general throughout the province; and that he should lay the same before his majesty: and since that I have received satisfaction that our friends to government are convinced they can't carry these acts into effect; and are willing, if possible, to keep matters in a state of suspense until they hear from home. At the same time they continue to entrench and fortify the neck, professedly, and I believe really and only, for self-defence. From BENJAMIN KENT, ESQ., to JOHN ADAMS, dated Boston, Sept. 23, 1774. [Extract.] bye, when we can now prevent it, would be very unwise, and it may be fatal to the town." “It is necessary for us, as far as we can, to prepare for the worst that can happen; that we may not be unhappily surprised when the worst shall come. Look into Europe and see how tyranny flourishes; and if the tyrants will but join their forces, in a little time not one free state will be left on the other side of the Atlantic-which God forbid ! In conclusion he says, "I do most heartily hope and desire, the body of representatives of all the colonies, may have eternity, for the glory of God, and the happiness of the American world. This is the prayer of the faith of your and their most cordial brother and friend." RICHARD CRANCH, ESQ., to MR. ADAMS, dated Boston, Oct. 15, 1774. [Extract.] I hear that a letter from one P-s, a clergyman in Connecticut, has been intercepted, and that an attested copy of it is now before our congress. The contents of it are very extraordinary-he informs the person to whom it is addressed, that he has received advice that several regiments more from England, and a number of men of war, are expected, and Our enemies, for their own further security, that when they arrive, hanging work will as well as to bring the town into the most begin,-and that those only will be safe whose complete dependence on the army and navy, lintels and door posts shall be sprinkled. Our spare no labor or pains; they suffer no owner ministers in this province put up their ardent of powder to take a single grain out of the petitions in public for the direction and blesstown's magazine, and there is none to being of heaven on your congress. bought in the town. Two or three days ago, after the men of war had spiked up our cannon at the battery, they robbed us of six good 16th Oct. 1774. pieces of large cannon, as we were carrying DR. SAMUEL COOPER to MR. ADAMS, dated them in a gondola through the mill pond to Watertown. They take and keep the guns Having just been informed that Mr. Tudor and cutlasses out of carts and wagons going is going to Philadelphia, I take this opporover the Neck; and no doubt, if they thought tunity to thank you for the obliging favor of they could disarm the town they would do it your letter of 29th September. The struggle, instantly. [He then mentions that their friends as you justly observe, between fleets and in Connecticut urged them to act before gen- armies and commercial regulations, must be eral Gage should receive the additional regi- very unequal: We hope, however, the conments which he expected—but that the people gress will carry this mode of defence as far as of Boston "would not undertake any thing it will go, and endeavor to render it as early material before they heard from the grand effectual as it can be, since the operation of it council of America, which we hope will remain must necessarily be slow-were we at ease we forever."] He then expresses a wish that the would wait--but being first seized and griped congress would consider their case, and says, by the merciless hand of power, we are "tor"we are not suspicious that it can possibly be tured even to madness," and yet, perhaps, no disagreeable to the grand congress that we people would give a greater example of patience should do everything in our power towards our and firmness, could the people be sure of the defence; but to lie still so long as in any mea- | approbation and countenance of the continent; in consolidating themselves in the best man- with their enemies, while their affairs were in ner they are able, they should have, they say, ❘ an adverse or disastrous situation. There was fresh spirits to sustain the conflict. The report of an uncommon large quantity of British goods sent to New York and Philadelphia, naturally carries our thoughts to a non-consumption-Nothing could more thoroughly em- | barrass these selfish importers, and none ever deserved more such a punishment. Our provincial congress is assembled; they adjourned from Concord to Cambridge. Among them and through the province the spirit is ardent. And I think the inhabitants of this town are distracted to remain in it with such formidable fortifications at its entrance. Besides the regiments expected from the southward and Canada, we have several companies from Newfoundland, of which we had no apprehension until they arrived. The tories depend that the administration will push their point with all the force that they can spare, and this I think we ought to expect and take into our account. MR. ADAMS TO MR. CHASE. PHILADELPHIA, July 1, 1776. DEAR SIR-Your favor by the post this morning gave me much pleasure, but the generous and unanimous vote of your convention gave me much more. It was brought into congress this morning, just as we were entering on the great debate. That debate took up most of the day, but an idle mispense of time, for nothing was said, but what had been repeated and hackneyed, in that room, before, an hundred times, for six months past. In the committee of the whole, the question was carried in the affirmative, and reported to the house.-A colony desired it to be postponed until to-morrow, when it will pass by a great majority, perhaps with almost unanimity; yet I cannot promise this, because one or two gentlemen may possibly be found, who will vote point blank against the known and declared sense of their constituents. Maryland, however, I have the pleasure to inform you, behaved well.-Paca, generously and nobly. Alas, Canada! we have found misfortune and disgrace in that quarter-Evacuated at last-transports arrived at Sandy-Hook, from whence we may expect an attack in a short time, upon New-York or New-Jersey-and our army is not so strong as we could wish. The militia of New-Jersey and New England, not so ready as they ought to be. The Romans made it a fixed rule never to send or receive ambassadors, to treat of peace a generosity and magnanimity in this, becoming freemen. It flowed from that temper and those principles which alone can preserve the freedom of a people. It is a pleasure to find our Americans of the same temper. It is a good symptom, foreboding a good end. If you imagine that I expect this declaration will ward off calamities from this country, you are mistaken. A bloody conflict we are destined to endure.-This has been my opinion from the beginning. You will certainly remember my decided opinion was, at the first congress, when we found that we could not agree upon an immediate non-exportation, that the contest could not be settled without bloodshed, and that if hostilities should once commence, they would terminate in an incurable animosity between the two countries. Every political event since the 19th of April, 1775, has confirmed me in this opinion. If you imagine that I flatter myself with happiness and halcyon days, after a separation from Great Britain, you are mistaken again. I don't expect that our new government will be so quiet as I could wish, nor that happy harmony, confidence, and affection, between the colonies, that every good American ought to study, labor, and pray for, for a long time. But freedom is a counterbalance for poverty, discord, and war, and more. It is your hard lot and mine to be called into life, at such a time ;-yet even these times have their pleasures. I am your friend and servant, JOHN ADAMS. MR. ADAMS TO GOVERNOR BULLOCK. PHILADELPHIA, July 1, 1776. DEAR SIR-Two days ago I received your favor of May 1st.—I was greatly disappointed, sir, in the information you gave me, that you should be prevented from visiting Philadelphia. I had flattered myself with hopes of your joining us soon, and not only affording us the additional strength of your abilities and fortitude, but enjoying the satisfaction of seeing a temper and conduct here, somewhat more agreeable to your wishes, than those which prevailed when you were here before. But I have since been informed, that your countrymen have done themselves the justice to place you at the head of their affairs, a station in which you may perhaps render more essential service to them, and to America, than you could here. There seems to have been a great change in the sentiments of the colonies since you left us, and I hope that a few months will bring us all to the same way of thinking. This morning is assigned for the greatest debate of all—a declaration, that these colonies are free and independent states, has been reported by a committee, appointed some weeks ago for that purpose, and this day, or to-morrow, is to determine its fate.-May Heaven prosper the new born republic, and make it more glorious than any former republics have been! The small-pox has ruined the American army in Canada, and of consequence the American cause. A series of disasters has happened there, partly owing I fear to the indecision at Philadelphia, and partly to the mistakes or misconduct of our officers in that department. But the small-pox, which infected every man we sent there, completed our ruin, and compelled us to evacuate that important province. We must, however, regain it some time or other. My countrymen have been more successful at sea, in driving away all the men of war completely out of Boston harbor, and in making prizes of a great number of transports and other vessels. We are in daily expectation of an armament before New York, where, if it comes, the conflict must be bloody. The object is great which we have in view, and we must expect a great expense of blood to obtain it. But we should always remember, that a free constitution of civil government cannot be purchased at too dear a rate, as there is nothing, on this side the new Jerusalem, of equal importance to mankind. It is a cruel reflection, that a little more wisdom, a little more activity, or a little more integrity, would have preserved us Canada, and enabled us to support this trying conflict, at a less expense of men and money. But irretrievable miscarriages ought to be lamented no further, than to enable and stimulate us to do better in future. Your colleagues, Hall and Gynn, are here in good health and spirits, and as firm as you yourself could wish them. Present my compliments to Mr. Houston. Tell him the colonies will have republics for their governments, let us lawyers, and your divines, say what we will. I have the honor to be, with great esteem and respect, sir, your sincere friend and most humble servant, His Excellency JOHN ADAMS. Archibald Bullock, Esq. of Georgia. TWO LETTERS FROM PRESIDENT ADAMS. Written one in the morning, the other in the evening, of the 3d of July, 1776, and Correspondence of Judge Dawes relating thereto, FROM A LATE BOSTON PAPER. Mr. Editor-Some years ago, having seen in your paper a brilliant paragraph from a letter of the hon. John Adams to a friend-not, however, for the first time, it having appeared before on many a fourth of July-I was curious to learn from its venerable author who was that friend, and also such anecdotes concerning the subject of the letter, as he might be willing to communicate. He gratified my curiosity, with his accustomed energy, on a transaction in which he had taken so distinguished a part. After the death of Mrs. Adams, the accomplished friend to whom the letter was addressed, he was pleased to send me a copy of it, and of another written to her on the same third of July. It is probable that, after the loss of such a companion, a review of their epistolary correspondence brought to his recollection the inquiries I had made, and the subsequent conversation, though years had elapsed. These letters I present to the public, but not without permission; believing that they will be read with much interest on the forty-third anniversary of the grand event which they announced. Boston, July 3, 1819. THOMAS DAWES. JOHN ADAMS TO JUDGE Dawes. The following letter was not intended for publication, but we cannot resist a desire we feel-for reasons which will be obvious to the reader-to record the document in our files; and apologize to our fellow-citizens for the liberty we have taken. QUINCY, February 16, 1819. Respected and beloved Judge Dawes : Inclosed are copies of two letters written by me to my wife, one in the morning, the other in the evening of the 3d of July, 1776, the day after the vote of independence was passed in congress. An extract of one of them has been published in the newspapers. Once on a time, upon my stony field hill, you interrogated me concerning that extract, in so particular a manner, that I thought you felt a tincture of pyrrhonism concerning its authenticity. If you have still any doubts, I will show |