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In your great system suffer souls to ripen!

Give back what you took from us! 'Mid a host
Of Kings become a King!
(Approaches him boldly, fixing on him firm and glowing looks.)
O could the eloquence

Of all the myriads, who in this great moment
Are sharers, hang upon my lips, and kindle
Into a flame the gleam that lights your eyes!
Give up the unnatural self-idolatry
Which makes us nothing! Be to us a type
Of the Eternal and the True! O, never,
Never did mortal hold so much—to use it

So like a god! The Spanish name is reverenced
By all the Kings of Europe; Go you on

Foremost among all Europe's Kings! One movement
Of your pen-and the earth is new created!

O, give us liberty of thought! (throwing himself at his feet.)
KING, (surprised, turns away his eyes,

then again fixes them on the Marquis.)

Yet-rise-I—

Strange zealot!

MARQUIS.

Look on lordly nature round you!

On freedom it is grounded, and how rich
Through freedom! He, the great Creator, gives
The worm its dew-drop, and lets free-will wanton
Even in the lifeless spaces of corruption;

Your world-how poor and narrow! a leaf rustling
Alarms the lord of Christendom! You tremble
At every virtue. HE, to keep unmarred
Freedom's fair form, lets Evil's frightful hosts
Run riot wildly in his universe;

HIM-the Almighty Artist, we behold not,
His being veiled in his eternal laws;

Those laws the sceptic sees-not Him, and cries,
"Wherefore a God? the world doth need no God!”
And never yet did christian's worship, praise him,
As doth this sneering sceptic's blasphemy!

KING.

And you would undertake to imitate

This mighty model-in mortality

In my dominions?

MARQUIS.

You-you can-who else?

Unto the nation's happiness consecrate

The regal power, which but too long hath pampered
Alone the greatness of the crown. Bring back

Man's lost nobility; let the citizen

Once more be what he was-the crown's sole object

Let him be fettered by no duty-save

His brother's right-like his inviolable.

Then, Sire, when man, restored unto himself,

Awakens to the consciousness of worth,

And Freedom's proud and stately virtues bloom,-
When your own kingdoms you have made the happiest
Of all on earth-then it may be your duty

To conquer other realms.

KING, (after a long pause.)

I've heard you now

Unto an end, and clearly see, the world

Not as in ordinary heads, is painted

In yours; nor will I, Marquis, measure you
By ordinary rules. I am the first

To whom you have unveiled your secret thoughts.
This I believe I know it. For the sake

Of this discretion-for your prudent silence

Until this hour, on such opinions,

Embraced with such keen ardor,-for the sake

Of this forbearing prudence-I'll forget,

Young man, that I have learned, and how I've learned them.

Stand up, will correct the impetuous youth

As one of elder years--not as his monarch.

I will because I will. Poison itself,

In generous natures, may, I find, be ennobled
To something better. But beware--I warn you,
My inquisition! It would grieve me sorely.

Would it and truly?

MARQUIS.

KING, (lost in wonder.)

I have never seen

A man like this. No-Marquis-no! you wrong me.
I will not be a Nero-not towards you,

Nay, nay, all happiness shall not be blighted
Before me; you yourself, beneath my eyes

May yet remain, a man—

MARQUIS, (quickly.)

And, Sire-your subjects?

O not-not for myself I spoke-not mine

The cause I plead; my fellow subjects-Sire!
KING.

So well you know, how will posterity

Judge of me, you shall teach it—you yourself,
How I did act towards men-when I had found one.
MARQUIS.

O, being thus the justest among Kings,

Be not at once the most unjust! In Flanders

Are many thousand better men than I.

Only yourself-great King-may I confess it?
Do now behold under this softened image
For the first time the lineaments of Freedom.

KING, (with mild earnestness.)

No more of this, young man. Full well I know
You will think otherwise of men-when you

Have known, as I have known them.

This meeting should not be our last.

Bind you to me?

MARQUIS.

Yet I would

How shall I

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This pride I cannot suffer,

From this time, Marquis--you are in my service,
Nay-no remonstrance. I will have it so.

I MET THEE AND THY BROW WAS CALM.

"A thing of beauty is a joy forever."

I met thee and thy brow was calm,
As coldly thou did'st pass me by,
With careless words upon thy lips,

And smiles as careless in thine eye.
Thou could'st remember all the past,
And keep the crimson of thy cheek;
Unfaltering could'st pronounce my name
While I-Oh God! I could not speak;
For thoughts that long had buried lain
Flashed thick and sudden o'er my brain;
And I could only bow to see
Thy beauty in its majesty.

Oh! never thus with marble brow,

And beauty so severely bright,
Thou art revealed unto my prayer
Amid the visions of the night.
Then be my life a ceaseless dream,
Since life is but thy voice to hear,
To see the sunlight of thy smile,
And feel thy holy presence near—
To worship thee beyond, above
All other thoughts, all other love;
In thee to feel, to think, to be-
To have no other shrine but thee.

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THE NEW JERSEY CONGRESSIONAL ELECTION.

THE last year has witnessed events, which are destined to an enduring but dark celebrity in our annals as a free people. The bold attempt made by the federal leaders in Pennsylvania "to treat an election as though they had not been defeated," is one; the equally daring, but more successful, violation of the right of popular suffrage in New Jersey, is another.

When the tempest of partisan strife shall have subsided-when sober reason and cool reflection regain their wonted ascendency over the minds of men-when the struggle for political power shall have passed with those who originated, and who hoped to profit by it, and these events are viewed through the medium of intervening years, men will gaze with astonishment upon the spectacle of folly and wickedness which they present, and the historian will chronicle them among the sad records of human infirmity, where faction, for the purpose of the hour, has so often assumed the tremendous responsibility of perilling or defeating the fairest experiments of human liberty. The actors in each successive scene may have their future apologists. Arnold and Burr have theirs. But while the fires of liberty shall continue to burn bright on our political altars, and in the hearts of our people, they will not be forgotten or forgiven.

The conspirators in Pennsylvania and New Jersey seem to have been actuated by one common impulse. They sought the same object, the perpetuation of their power, and they pursued it by similar means. They made their returning officers the instruments for suppressing the voice of the people, and reversing the decisions of the ballot-boxes. The difference in the result was a consequence of the fact, that in Pennsylvania the ballot-boxes sent a majority of Democrats to the popular branch of the Legislature; while, in New Jersey, a majority of Federalists were returned to both branches. In Pennsylvania the people had a constitutional rallying point in their House of Representatives; they gathered round it, and concentrating there the thunder of popular opinion, beat back the assailants of freedom, with an energy as firm as it was triumphant. But in New Jersey all the sources of constitutional authority had fallen into the hands of the Federalists. They had the Legislature, the Executive, the Judiciary-there was no point upon which the people could rally recognized by law. Submission to fraud, or a revolutionary movement, were the only alternatives presented. And a liberty-loving people, who would have shed the last drop of their blood to preserve pure and inviolate the institutions of their country, rightly paused. They petitioned, remon

strated, reasoned; and were spurned; treated with contumely, and defrauded of their rights. They submitted, but have taken their appeal to the unerring principles of justice, that have so often rescued and redeemed the cause of democracy.

We propose, while the New Jersey case is yet fresh in the public mind, briefly to present the facts connected with it, and review its leading features. Its perfect novelty, without precedent or paraldel; its deep and practical bearing upon the life and spirit of our political system; its peculiar connection with the great and fundamental tenet of our creed, that the majority must govern, all conspire to magnify its importance, and awaken to it a deep and pervading interest.

It is a case of great simplicity, embracing but few facts, and none that are disputed.

By the laws of New Jersey the election for members of Congress and the State Legislature is held at the same time, except when electors of President and Vice President are to be chosen. The time is the second Tuesday of October and the day following. The election is by ballot, and all the candidates voted for are put on the same ballot. One poll is held in each township. The assessor and collector of the township, with a judge of election, chosen for the purpose at the annual town meeting, preside at, and act as judges and inspectors of, election, and the clerk of the township officiates as clerk. The time of opening and closing the polls is uniform, and fixed by statute.

The candidates for Congress are nominated in the several counties on the first Monday in September; the clerks transmit the nominations to the Governor, who prepares and transmits a true list of all the names nominated to the clerk of each county in the State; the county clerk forwards a copy to each township-clerk in his county, who puts copies up for public information; and the election is made exclusively from the persons so nominated.

After the poll is closed it is the duty of the judge and inspectors, together with the clerk of the election, to proceed without delay. "To take an account of, and cast up the votes given in each for candidate, make a list of the same, which list they shall sign, certify, seal up, direct, and transmit to the Clerk of the county, who shall attend at the court-house of the county on the Saturday next after the day of election, for the purpose of receiving the same, which list shall be delivered to him before five o'clock in the afternoon of said day, which said Clerk shall proceed, in a public manner, to make one general list of all the candidates voted for as aforesaid, together with the number of votes received for each of them, and shall transmit the same, at the expense of the State, to the Governor or person administering the government, within seven days thereafter, having first caused a duplicate thereof to be filed in his office, together with the lists from the said townships."

The Governor is directed:

"If the certified lists of votes given for representatives in Congress shall not be received from the Clerks of any of the counties of the State by him within seven days after the time prescribed by law for casting up the same, &c., by the Clerks as aforesaid, forthwith to send express to the Clerk of the county or counties from which such certified lists have not been received, and to procure the same at the expense of the State."

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